Christina Koulouri is Rector of the Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences and Professor of history, specialized in Greek, Balkan and European History of 19th-20th centuries. She has studied at the History and Archeology Department of the University of Athens, the Sorbonne University (Paris I) and the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris.

In 2010 she was a visiting researcher at the University of Sorbonne (Paris 1 –UMR IRICE), in 2017 Visiting Research Fellow at Princeton University and in June 2019 Visiting Fellow at the University of Regensburg (Germany). She has been awarded the Nikos Svoronos award "for outstanding achievement in the research of modern Greek historiography" (1994), the "Delphi" award of the International Olympic Academy (2012) and the Dimitrios Vikelas award of ISOH (International Society of Olympic Historians).

Professor Koulouri has published 8 books, 5 collective volumes and many articles in Greek, English and French, on issues such as history of nationalism, history of memory, history of sports and of the modern Olympic games, history of education and textbooks, reconciliation and peace education. Her latest book "Fustanellas and Togas. Historical Memory and National Identity in Greece, 1821-1930" (Φουστανέλες και χλαμύδες. Ιστορική μνήμη και εθνική ταυτότητα, 1821-1930, Athens, Alexandria, 2020) was awarded the Anagnostis Prize and the State Essay Prize.

On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Restoration of Democracy in Greece, Professor Koulouri spoke to Rethinking Greece* on the Metapolitefsi (the period of transition after the fall of the military junta in 1974) and its values; the social and cultural changes that occurred in Greece during that period; the importance of Greece's EU membership; the political and social impact of the 2008 crisis; the ever-changing but still vivid memory of the Metapolitefsi, and finally on the achievements of the past and the challenges of the present and future for Greek Democracy.

Discussions on the 50^th anniversary of the Restoration of Democracy in Greece cannot but examine the concept of the Metapolitefsi. How would you define Metapolitefsi, chronologically but also in terms of the values ​​it embodies?

Metapolitefsi literally means regime change and in this sense, it is identified with the period 1974-1975, from the fall of the colonels’ regime to the adoption of the Constitution and the Trials of the Junta. However, the term has come to denote a broader period whose beginning is known but whose end is disputed. In my opinion, the period ended with the 2008 financial crisis, when the political system was reshuffled, and the achievements of the previous historical period were questioned. At the same time, we can identify political cleavages within the Metapolitefsi period, which correspond to domestic and international events. In terms of values, the Metapolitefsi is identified with the democratization of Greek society at all levels and therefore refers to the values ​​associated with Democracy. Politically, this period is identified with PASOK, so it’s no coincidence that its ending also marked the political decline of PASOK, while the other major party, New Democracy, survived the political upheavals of the 2010s.

What were the most significant social and cultural changes in Greece during the Metapolitefsi period? How did Greek society evolve?

The euphoria following the collapse of the junta was reflected in every form of activity, characterized by what we could call a joy of life, especially during the optimistic 1980s. Democratization of family relations and education, changes in women's status, and sexual liberation marked profound social changes, bolstered by Greece's outward orientation, its entry into the EEC (later the EU), and rising living standards. In education, democratization meant changing the power relations governing the system and providing all young people with access to education, regardless of social or geographical background or gender. The publication of KLIK, the first lifestyle magazine in 1987, marked a shift towards conspicuous consumerism and a fantasy of social mobility. However, it wasn’t only social identities that were rearranged; since the 1990s Greek society enters a sort of identity crisis, which equally affected national identity, political identities as well as other collective identities. New collectives formed around cultural identities, such as those defined by traumatic memory (like the Pontians) or gender (like the LGBTQ+ communities), transcending the divide between "left" and "right," and intersecting with the political crisis post-2010.

How did international events and global geopolitical developments affect the course of the Metapolitefsi in Greece?

A small country in Southeast Europe like Greece is inevitably influenced by international developments at all levels and is less resilient to global shocks. The end of the Cold War found Greece in the Western bloc, avoiding thus the dramatic transformations of Eastern bloc countries, but still affected the country in two ways: firstly, by neighboring Balkan countries' aspirations to join organizations like NATO and the EU, and secondly, by a massive wave of economic migration to Greece. In the first case, issues like the new Macedonian question over the name of (now) North Macedonia, Kosovo's independence, and relations with Albania posed many challenges. The so called name issue, in particular, plagued Greek foreign policy for decades and wasted precious resources, while domestically it fueled conservative reactions, exacerbated by the immigration wave. Racist rhetoric and xenophobic violence strengthened the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party, and although its parliamentary representation was curtailed following its trial, far-right and fascist ideologies survive, subtly infiltrating other areas. As long as wars rage nearby, peace remains precarious both externally and internally.

What was the impact of Greece's EU membership on the country's course? How has the Europe-Greece relationship transformed over these decades?

Greece's EU membership has been pivotal in many respects. Joining the EEC in 1980, soon after the transition to democracy and following Turkey's invasion of Cyprus, was seen as a guarantee of political stability. The EU set specific requirements and conditions for Greece's membership, leading to many institutional adjustments; it also offered economic support for development projects (the "Delors packages", the Community Support Frameworks etc). Moreover, European integration offered Greece significant advantages, ranging from the right of free movement in other EU countries without many formalities and foreign currency exchange, to the country’s participation in shaping supranational European policies. However, these benefits were questioned when the financial crisis struck in 2008 and during the bleak 2010s. Greece's relationship with Europe was tested by austerity policies and memoranda, increasing Euroscepticism. The 2015 referendum saw 38.69% in favour of the “we are staying in Europe” supporters, as opposed to 61.31% against. This result, however, should not be seen as an expression of a genuine desire to sever ties with Europe but as a protest vote against the severe austerity measures imposed and the dramatic increase in poverty.

How did the 2008 economic crisis affect Greek democracy and political stability? Do you believe the political fallout from this period has been addressed?

The economic crisis facilitated the rise of the so-called "anti-systemic" votes at the expense of the two parties that governed during the Metapolitefsi, i.e., New Democracy, and PASOK. The June 2012 general elections marked the shakeup of the political system, with New Democracy getting 18.85% (down from 33.5%) and PASOK just 13.18% (down from 43.9% in 2009), while the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn entered parliament for the first time with 6.97% and 21 seats. Turmoil continued with the collapse of SYRIZA in the May 2023 elections, a party that absorbed the social protests of the crisis era but was "punished" for failing voters' initial expectations. The real casualty of the crisis seems to be the two-party system that characterized the era of the Metapolitefsi. This can be evidenced by the current political scene where we have a strong leading party and a fragmented opposition; however, the political tradition of two opposing “camps” has not disappeared. It remains to be seen if the center-left will regroup or if the parties to the right of New Democracy will be further strengthened.

How has the memory and significance of the Metapolitefsi changed over time and across generations? Do you believe the historical memory of this period still plays a role in contemporary Greek politics?

As long as we believe that the era of the Metapolitefsi has not yet ended and for lack of a new term for the period that has succeeded it (in the event that we believe that the Metapolitefsi is ineed over), talking about collective memory is challenging. It's about the memory of specific events (e.g., the Athens Polytechnic uprising in 1973, the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, PASOK's victory in 1981, joining the euro in 2001, the 2015 referendum etc) recalled by those who experienced them because they define their identity. And since we are talking about different generations with vastly different historical experiences, memories differ, and construct different identities. Given that the "Polytechnic generation" that ruled the country during the Metapolitefsi, is considered responsible for the financial crisis, younger generations who found themselves in the midst of the crisis hold a rather negative historical memory of the period. However, the negative assessment of the era is not only a generational issue, but also a matter of political identity. Criticism of the era’s policies mainly stems from right-wing positions, as a reaction against what was considered the ideological dominance of the Left. Indeed, the Metapolitefsi as a historical period has been invested with specific meanings and refers to particular values ​​associated with the Left. Hence, the memory of the Metapolitefsi lives on, through political ideologies and prominent figures in politics and culture.

Looking back, what do you consider the greatest achievements and weaknesses of Greek democracy over the last 50 years? What challenges do you think it will face in the future?

The greatest achievement of Greek democracy is that is has endured. This is no small feat for a country with a history of military interventions in politics, authoritarian deviations, dictatorships, civil wars, and regime changes. It's also notable that democracy withstood the shocks of the economic and political crisis and the threat of far-right extremism. However, issues of transparency, accountability, corruption, and clientelism persist. Recent tragic events highlighted the state's operational gaps. Democracy faces numerous challenges, present and future. Democracy is not a given; it is vulnerable to unforeseen threats—both domestic and international—making protective mechanisms and a cultivated democratic consciousness among citizens crucial.

*Interview to: Ioulia Livaditi, Translation: Magda Hatzopoulou

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The new composition of the European Parliament and, above all, the new European Commission, as it will be formed, will reflect the results of the recent elections and will have to manage a number of very important issues; in many cases, it will be necessary to do so in a very decisive way.

Think tanks diaNEOSis and ELIAMEP have collaborated to publish a report with four expert analyses under the title "Challenges and opportunities in the new political cycle of the European Union" (pdf, in Greek). These papers provide a detailed examination of the major challenges post-EP elections in four critical areas: defense, EU enlargement, economic governance and the Stability Pact, and asylum and migration policies.

These are all "hot" policy areas, which require an urgent, European response. As Professor Emeritus at National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, professor at Sciences Po and chairman of the board of ELIAMEP, Loukas Tsoukalis, writes in his introduction, emphasizing the need for these challenges to concern the citizens collectively, "a European public space, multinational and multilingual, is not is now a utopia. On the contrary, it is the condition for all of us to build our common home in Europe, in combination with more decisions in European councils that will be taken by majority".

 Defense

The war in Ukraine brought defense issues as a common European issue to the fore. The text on defense is signed by Spyros Blavoukos, professor at the Athens University of Economics and head of the European program "Arian Kontelli" of ELIAMEP, together with Panos Politis-Lamprou, assistant researcher at ELIAMEP. Their analysis presents the joint defense initiatives before 2022 - with the Maastricht treaties in 1993 and Lisbon in 2007- and goes on to analyze the recent Versailles declaration, signed just two weeks after the start of the war, and how it is being implemented.

Of course, despite the steps taken, many challenges remain. These are mainly related to the financing of the various initiatives, their institutional organization, but also their political management. And of course, how these initiatives can develop into an integrated European defense policy. But where does Greece stand in this context? "The developments create an important window of opportunity for Greece," the authors argue. "For the first time, the EU is investing strongly in the defense industry and is discussing a common defense. Given the geopolitical conditions prevailing in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, strengthening this prospect must be a priority for our country, which must continue to be in the vanguard of the EU member states in this field, without neglecting its national deterrent military capabilities."

Enlargement 

The war in Ukraine was also a catalyst for the enlargement of the Union. As in the previous phases of EU enlargement, so today, the respective reasons and concerns are both political and economic, which becomes evident by looking at the list of candidate countries for membership after 2023, whether they have started negotiations or not : Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis, signed by the associate professor at the University of Macedonia, Ioannis Armakolas and the journalist Alexandra Voudouri, both collaborators of ELIAMEP, highlights and comments on the challenges of a possible new enlargement.

How will it affect Union budgets? Which countries are likely to lose European funds because of new members? How feasible is it for the candidate countries to immediately proceed with the institutional and economic reforms required by the accession process? "The EU needs to offer a credible 'road map' for the deeper integration of candidate countries in the coming years, as well as clarity about its own path for the necessary reforms," ​​the authors note. "There should be, after all, a common approach linking reforms and enlargement in a gradual way, as well as a mechanism to 'measure' the corresponding progress."

 Economic governance and the Stability Pact

 The great importance of a functioning and effective European economic governance became known in Greece in the previous decade of the crisis, often painfully. But it became more widely recognized in the Union, especially after the introduction of the euro, that at least a degree of coordination of national fiscal policies is required for the stability of the new currency. The Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) introduced in 1997 and based on the Maastricht Treaty is the key tool: it sets limits on the budget deficit and public debt of member states. Of course, it has not remained unchanged since the 1990s, nor has it ever been followed to the letter by all countries. In 2008, 2011 and 2013 it changed with the global crisis and then with the euro crisis. In 2020 it froze and changed again with the pandemic crisis, while from the spring of 2023 a new framework has been adopted.

The analysis by Athens University of Economics and Business professor George Oikonomides looks back at the past of European fiscal rules, but also analyzes the most recent update of the SGP. Commenting on how this will affect Greece, he notes: "Among the positives of the proposed revision of the SGP as far as the Greek economy is concerned, one could note the exemption of public debt service interests from the new operational index – although public debt service interests low right now for our country, they are expected to increase significantly after 2032. Finally, the exemption of defense expenditures (as our country exceeds the average corresponding EU expenditures) or the exemption of other investment expenditures will be important, if implemented, as this will add degrees of flexibility to a particularly tight national fiscal framework."

Immigration

A few weeks ago, on May 14, the European Council adopted a new framework for the management of refugee and migration flows, the Pact on Asylum and Migration. This new framework, which consists of ten legislative texts, regulates the management of migration flows, ensuring both the external relations of the EU with the rest of the world and the internal balances between the member states.

It is well known fact how charged a topic immigration and refugees are in the countries of the European Union - something that was confirmed anew by the recent election results. In her enlightening text, Maria Gavouneli, professor at the Faculty of Law of the Greek National Academy of Sciences and general director of ELIAMEP, comments both on the main impasses of the past in managing of immigration, as well as on the main pillars of the recent Pact. It explains in detail what this means for guarding borders, for asylum procedures, for solidarity between countries in managing flows, but also for the integration of migrants.

Of course, many very important challenges remain. "The debate on immigration as a challenge, a problem, a natural phenomenon, an economic necessity, a social parameter, is an integral element of the political discourse and ultimately of the political confrontation, not only in developed countries but also in the Global South," the author of the chapter underlines. "As the pre-eminent destinations of refugee and migrant flows, European countries, and thus the European Union, act as a laboratory for political, social and ultimately legal experimentation. The Pact on Asylum and Migration is just that: an experiment. It is obvious that the proposed approaches and the possible solution are as demanding in their conception and implementation as the real problem they seek to address. We are still at the beginning of the complex legal and political management of a phenomenon that is absolutely related to human history."

I.L. translated from diaNEOSis article by Ilias Nikolaidis

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