Spyridon Vlachopoulos, is Professor of Public Law at Law School in the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. His areas of interest are Constitutional Law, National and International Protection of Fundamental Rights, Political and Constitutional History et al. and he is the author of several scientific articles in the field of Public Law, especially Constitutional Law, Constitutional History Fundamental Rights, Civil and Social Rights. Since 1992 he is an attorney at Law, specialized in Public Law cases (e.g.: Protection of Fundamental Rights, Environmental Law, Public Procurement Law, Civil Servants Law), mainly before the Council of State (the highest Greek Administrative Court). He has been a member of several legislative Committees and he is member of the Greek Data Protection Authority and of the Academic Board of the “Academy of Transparency and Human Rights for Good Governance” of the European Public Law Organization. He is also the President of the Commission for the Assessment of the Quality of the Law-making Process.

Professor Vlachopoulos spoke to Greek News Agenda* about the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on individual rights and freedoms, particularly of the vulnerable groups, explaining the term constitutional “mithridatism”, illustrating also the opportunities and risks of digital technology posed in work and education. Professor Vlachopoulos also spoke about the role of the EU and international organizations in the fight against the pandemic.

The need to safeguard public health against the coronavirus pandemic has resulted in the restriction of fundamental rights and freedoms. In your opinion, what are the limits that should be set on these restrictions and what is the right balance between enforcement and a self-determined compliance of citizens with the measures that should be taken?

The protection of human life and public health is a constitutional obligation of the State and can therefore justify the restriction of our fundamental rights. However, there are limitations to these restrictions. That is to say, the legal order is not completely free in restricting our individual rights, but there are certain limitations based on the principle of proportionality. This means, firstly, that the restrictive measures should be appropriate to achieve a purpose, secondly, that these measures should be indispensable, meaning that there are no other less restrictive measures that can achieve the same purpose and thirdly, the restrictive measures should be proportionate in the strict sense of the term (stricto sensu proportionality). In other words, the benefits of restricting our individual rights should outweigh the negative consequences. We have always to keep in mind that our Constitution protects an individual not only as a biological human being, but also as a personality. The personality of an individual becomes meaningful through the possibility of exercising individual freedoms, since a person who is not free, is not in line with the constitutional model. Let's say this with an example: in the context of dealing with the pandemic, "smart" technological applications are not allowed to be used on our mobile phones, based on which all of our contacts will be tracked. Dealing with the pandemic cannot lead to the creation of a "Big Brother".

In your last book “Constitutional Mithridatism. Individual Freedoms in pandemic eras” you are using the term constitutional “mithridatism" to refer to the risk of addiction to the suspension of fundamental rights in times of crisis. Can you briefly analyze what exactly do you mean by this term? Are life and public health two "super-rights" that justify the development of constitutional "mithridatism"?

The term constitutional “mithridatism" was inspired by the story of Mithridates, the last king of the Hellenistic Pontus. Mithridates, in order to protect himself from being poisoned by his enemies, he was regularly taking small and increasing doses of poison with the aim of developing immunity. Eventually, of course, he fell victim to this tactic, as he failed to commit suicide in order to avoid falling into the hands of his enemies at the end of his life as he had developed immunity to poison. With the term constitutional "mithridatism", I tried to explain that although we should tolerate some temporary restrictions on our fundamental rights in order to fight against the pandemic, we should be aware of the seriousness of these restrictions. Also, we should not get used to these restrictions and take them for granted or consider them of little importance. Our individual rights were gained in their majority through long-lasting fights. We should, therefore, acknowledge that restrictions have to be only temporary, while we shouldn’t become addicted to the understanding that restrictions to our freedoms are justified at any time. Human life and health are not two "super-rights". As constitutionalists accept, all individual rights are of equal legal power and none is superior to the other a priori. What is particular about the right to life is that it is not subject to temporary restrictions, unlike all other rights. In other words, when someone loses his life, there is no return, there is no "come back". Therefore, the protection of human life may justify wider restrictions on other fundamental rights. But again, even when it comes to the protection of human life, there are limits to the restrictions. The protection of life and health is not a “blank check” for the State to impose any kind of restrictions. As I said before, the Constitution protects individuals as integrated personalities along with their freedoms and not just as biological human beings.

Do you consider that the human rights of vulnerable groups (minorities, refugees, children, unemployed, etc.) are more threatened by the pandemic and the taken measures, and how can this threat be prevented?

It is obvious that the human rights of vulnerable groups are more threatened by the pandemic and the taken measures. Minorities, refugees, the unemployed and children are more severely affected by the restriction measures. More generally, I would say that these measures have a greater impact on the lower social classes. Let me just explain this with a few examples: the ban on the operation of stores does not equally affect those businessmen who have bank deposits and those who do not. Someone who lives with his big family in a small apartment in the center of Athens is not experiencing the lockdown on the same terms with someone else who lives in the suburbs in a country house with a garden. Those who go to work in their private car and those who have to use the crowded public transport are not equally exposed to the coronavirus. A study has been published about Barcelona, showing that the coronavirus has a greater impact on people from the working-class districts of the city. The State should therefore be aware that restriction measures against the coronavirus affect more the lower social classes and thus it has to take all necessary measures to reduce the emerging social inequalities. This is not only a political but also a constitutional requirement, as the principle of equality is protected in all European Constitutions.

The opportunities offered by digital technology concerning teleworking, distance learning, e-economy and e-health have been particularly developed and used in the fight against the pandemic. As this trend seems to be strengthening, given the duration of the pandemic but also in general, do you think that social inequalities or labor rights issues etc could arise?

It has already become obvious from the above analysis that technological applications at work, in education and in the economy can lead to inequalities and raise labor rights issues. This is where the State has to intervene and address these risks. As distance learning, for example, necessitates access to computers, the legal system should ensure that all students have this possibility. Teleworking potential should not be a pretext or a reason for the violation of labor rights, nor for the surveillance of employees’ private life. Therefore, the legal system should be vigilant and establish the appropriate rules of law in order to deal with these risks, as well as strengthen controls where such risks exist.

The pandemic is undoubtedly a global phenomenon and many argue that global cooperation is needed in order to deal with it. Do you think that issues such as the development of vaccines, the regulation of the collection and surveillance of personal and biometric data or the financial support of the most affected countries, are issues that can be tackled more effectively at an international level and how do you think this could be done?

The problems caused by the pandemic can only be tackled effectively at an international level. Nowadays, that it is very easy for people to massively move from country to country, particularly due to the development of fast and cheap means of transport, anyone who thinks he can deal with the pandemic within the narrow borders of his country is deluding himself. It is also contrary to the achievements of modern human civilization if some countries want to keep the tools to fight the pandemic only for their citizens. This would not comply with the protection of all people, regardless of nationality, race, religion or any other characteristic. The non-discriminatory protection is enshrined in all modern human rights conventions. Therefore, international co - operation is essential at the level of international organizations as well as the conclusion of international conventions aiming at global protection against Covid 19, when necessary.

Is a common European health policy meaningful as well as a consequent binding policy adoptable by all member states or should the State remain the primary and sole administrator of public health issues?

The idea of the European Union is, in my view, based on two pillars. One pillar is that of freedom and the other pillar is that of solidarity. Therefore, the member states of the European Union should activate solidarity and draw up a common line in dealing with the pandemic. This common line will include the support of states that are more affected by the pandemic. It will also include the establishment of common rules for dealing with the pandemic, because we should not forget that one of the fundamental freedoms of the European Union is the free movement of citizens. Thus, the pandemic cannot be effectively tackled within a single State and only by the adoption of national rules. It is therefore necessary to lay down rules within the European Union that will tackle effectively the pandemic for all member states of the European Union. Similar cooperation should occur in a general European and international environment, e.g. within the Council of Europe and other international organizations, such as the United Nations. If there is one thing we have learned from the painful experience of Covid 19, it is that we all live under one roof, that the earth is the home of all of us, and that anyone who thinks he is unscathed from contagious diseases is simply wrong.

*Interview by Ioulia Elmatzoglou

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The ending of the Greek Chairmanship, the first e-Chairmanship, of the Council of Europe
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Greece assumes the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe

I.E.

The post Rethinking Greece | Spyridon Vlachopoulos on the coronavirus pandemic and the impact on human rights appeared first on Greek News Agenda.

Greece assumed the Chairmanship of the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers for a six-month period from May to November 2020. Having been member of this leading human rights Organization since August 1949, Greece took the Chairmanship in an extraordinary context imposed by the Covid-19 pandemic. During the Chairmanship, held by the Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, Greece tried to highlight the fundamental principles and values lying at the core of the Council of Europe’s mission: Democracy, the Rule of Law and the Protection of Human Rights.

Faced with an unprecedented challenge defined on the one hand by the continuous struggle to protect human life and public health and on the other hand by the imposition of necessary measures affecting fundamental freedoms, the Greek Chairmanship called for the Council of Europe to place the matter at the front line of debate. In this framework, the main theme of the Greek Chairmanship was: “Protection of human life and public health in the context of a pandemic – Effectively responding to a sanitary crisis in full respect for human rights and the principles of democracy and the rule of law”.

The Council of Europe responding to that challenge issued a Toolkit for member States, (SG/Inf(2020)11 – “Respecting democracy, rule of law and human rights in the framework of the COVID-19 sanitary crisis”), underlying that the Rule of Law must prevail even in an emergency situation. In order to strike a fair balance between the protection of human life and public health and the rights of the individuals concerned, the measures in question must be of a temporary character, proportional to the legitimate aim pursued, and thus necessary in a democratic society, subjected to regular control, and without unduly restricting other human rights and fundamental freedoms.

E-chairmanship

Due to the pandemic, all the events took place through teleconferences and live streaming making the Greek Chairmanship the first E-Chairmanship in the history of the Council of Europe. The use of social media that were connected as a reference to the digital platform of the Greek Chairmanship helped to bring the Council of Europe even closer to the citizens and, especially, to young people. The E-Chairmanship was not imposed only by the unquestionable need to tackle the sanitary crisis. It also proved to be an opportunity to facilitate and enhance access to information and knowledge to all citizens.

More precisely, the following events were held during the Greek Chairmanship:

• 77 teleconferences including the trilateral meeting with the Secretary General and the President of the Parliamentary Assembly
• 4 joint trilateral statements with the institutions of the Council of Europe
• 12 online meetings with Ministers or Deputy Ministers in order to present the priorities of the Greek Chairmanship
• 4 teleconferences with the Standing Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
• 26 international seminars and events
• 10 digital discussions in the series "In discussion with" and
• 11 important international cultural events.

Priorities of the Greek Chairmanship

Apart from the challenges resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic, the Greek Chairmanship attributed particular emphasis to the following specific thematic priorities:

Α. Education and Democratic Culture in a digital era
The intention of the Greek Chairmanship was to highlight the importance of knowledge and familiarization with democratic institutions and fundamental European values from an early age. The numerous solutions and options offered by digital technologies and the development of artificial intelligence are regarded as significant tools, since they can facilitate and enhance access to knowledge and information.

Β. Children as vulnerable persons (at risk of poverty, victims of violence, trafficking, forced labour, unaccompanied migrant minors)
The second priority focused on the need to protect children from all kinds of risk. Especially, in cases where they constitute elements of particular vulnerability, by facing poverty, violence, trafficking, forced labour or any other kind of exploitation. The Greek Chairmanship was particularly sensitive on the issue of unaccompanied migrant minors, given the fact that a large number of children has reached Greece through migratory flows.

C. Safeguarding the right of younger generations to enjoy cultural heritage unaffected by the impact of climate change
This priority focused on the climate change impact to historical monuments stressing the need to develop awareness on safeguarding the right of every generation to enjoy cultural heritage. A right that comes together with the obligation to hand it over to the next generation, protected from the effects of climate change.

D. European Social Charter - Social rights in the framework of the Council of Europe - Impact of the pandemic crisis on the right of access of vulnerable social groups to health as a public good
The fourth priority focused on the sensitivity and commitment that States, societies and citizens, have to display regarding the protection of social rights. Action against all kinds of discrimination, racism, intolerance, antisemitism, hate speech, has to be collective and organized. Gender equality and equality in general, regardless of origin, religion, sexual orientation or any other ground, needs to be ensured with consistency and determination.

The Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs Miltiadis Varvitsiotis speaking at the main cultural event of the Greek Chairmanship at the archaeological site of the Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens (8/7/2020) [Photo: Greek Chairmanship FB page]

Outcomes of the Greek Chairmanship

Athens Declaration
With the opportunity of the celebration of the 70th anniversary of the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights in Rome on 4 November 1950, the Greek Chairmanship presented the Athens Declaration, a new “Charter” of human rights. The Declaration, which is a legal and political text, establishes for the first time, guidelines for the protection of democracy, the rule of law and human rights in situations of crisis such as a pandemic serving as a useful emergency roadmap for future generations.

Observatory on History Teaching in Europe
The Greek Chairmanship also achieved to complete the establishment of the Observatory on History Teaching in Europe, a valuable tool in the fight against dangerous revisionisms and attempts to falsify historical truth. The Observatory’s main purpose will be to collect and make available, through a series of regular and thematic reports, factual information on the ways in which history is taught in all participating countries. The main aim will be to facilitate exchange of good practice and mutual learning strengthening resilience against the manipulation and distortion of history helping at the same time to promote peace and dialogue.

Cultural Routes of the Council of Europe crossing through Greece

The Council of Europe does not only address rights and democracy. It also addresses culture issues. The Greek Chairmanship issued an elegant edition concerning the Cultural Routes of the Council of Europe passing through Greece. The Cultural Routes programme, launched by the Council of Europe in 1987, demonstrates in a visible way, by means of a journey through space and time, how the heritage of the different countries and cultures of Europe represent a share cultural heritage. This edition is an invitation for the public to get to know or re-discover the rich and diverse heritage of Greece and Europe presenting journeys in places with great history and cultural heritage. Among the routes that are presented we find The Phoenicians’ Route, The Routes of the Olive Tree, the European Route of Historic Thermal Towns, The European Industrial Heritage Route, In the Steps of the Apostle Paul Route, The Maritime Heritage Route et al.

The Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe will be held for the next six months by Germany.

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I.E. 

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World Mental Health Day is observed on 10 October every year, with the overall objective of overcoming myths and negative stereotypes, raising awareness of mental health issues around the world, and mobilizing efforts in support of mental health. On the occasion of this year’s World Mental Health Day, Greek News Agenda pays tribute to Yannoulis Chalepas (1851-1938), the most distinguished sculptor of modern Greece, whose story is almost as impressive as his work.

Who would have known that the greatest Greek sculptor of the 19th century, whose work has been influencing young sculptors in Greece and abroad, was tormented by his inner demons for a big part of his life?

Yannoulis Chalepas was born to a family of marble cutters in Pyrgos (also known as Panormos village) on the island of Tinos; he decided to study sculpting despite his family’s wishes that he become a merchant. Thus, after completing a bright education at the Athens School of Fine Arts (1869-1872) under Neoclassical sculptor Leonidas Drossis, he continued his studies at the Munich Academy (1873), under another Neoclassical sculptor, Max Ritter von Widnmann, on scholarship from the Panhellenic Holy Foundation of the Evangelistria of Tinos.

Chalepas gained recognition for his work since the beginning as he was one of those rare artists whose work was mature from early on, as testified by the three monumental works from his first creative period which survive intact, all characterized by the exceptional way in which the doctrines of neoclassicism are used: Affection (1835), Satyr Playing with Eros (1877) and above all, the legendary Sleeping Female Figure (1877) which was placed on the tomb of Sophia Afentaki at the First Cemetery of Athens.

Chalepas was 37 when mental illness knocked on his door after a breakdown that was triggered by his perfectionistic tendencies, his overworking habits, and a rejection of his marriage proposal by the family of his love. In fact, he began destroying some of his sculptures and made several suicide attempts. His parents sent him on a trip to Italy to recover, but the treatment he followed later proved to act only temporarily. Following his return to Greece, he started showing symptoms again. Due to the deterioration of his mental health, doctors diagnosed him with dementia in 1888, and the artist was admitted to the Mental Hospital of Corfu; as a result, he remained in complete creative inactivity for fourteen years (1888-1902).

Following the death of his father, who seems to have been responsible for his confinement, his mother brought him back to the island of Tinos in 1902. However, blaming art for her son’s illness, Chalepas’ mother prevented him from working as an artist and destroyed any works that he made. Thus, he was to live in isolation and contempt, in a kind of limbo, grazing sheep and running errands until his mother died, in 1916.

The peculiar course that Chalepas’ life took did not, naturally enough, allow for much exhibition activity during his lifetime. However, following his mother’s death, Chalepas found the courage to start sculpting again. The period 1918-1930 was a long period of awakening to the light of sanity into the world of art. His contacts with intellectual circles in Athens became more frequent, and public interest began to mount. Eminent personalities of the arts visited him, including Thomas Thomopoulos, member of the Academy of Athens, and Zacharias Papantoniou, director of the National Gallery.

In 1925, an exhibition of Chalepas’ works was organized by the Academy of Athens, and in 1927 he received the Academy of Athens “Award for Excellence in Arts and Letters”. In 1928, a second exhibition was presented by N. Velmos at the Art Asylum. In 1930, thanks to the interest of his niece Irene, Chalepas moved in with her family in Athens. He was to spend the last years of his life, until his death in 1938, in an atmosphere of general admiration, which he hardly noticed, however, as he was desperately struggling to make up for the lost time in his work.

Despite the fact that Chalepas had been cut off for years from the developments taking place in both Greek and European sculpture, his works often are oddly in tune with the avant-garde quests to be encountered in expressionism, cubism, and surrealism. Greek antiquity continues to be his main source of inspiration, while at the same time he elaborated on compositions that had been begun before the onset of his illness. 

More specifically, scholars identify two phases in Chalepas’ “post-sanity” creative production. The first corresponds to the years of rehabilitation in Tinos, from 1918 to 1930, during which he did not use any kind of framing as he wanted to express himself with absolute freedom; and the second phase spans the last years of his life, from 1930 to his death in 1938, during which he expressed himself in a completely different style, instinctually and spontaneously, based on his inner anxieties and experiences. Dream, imagination and reality know no boundaries in Chalepas’ “post-sanity” works. They become communicating vessels. The continuity of time and place is abolished. According to the artist himself:

“The new [elderly] Chalepas has surpassed the old [young]”

It seems that his mental illness, solitude, silence, and pain became the secret workshop out of which a new Chalepas emerged.

Read more about the Yannoulis Chalepas’ Museum and the Cultural Foundation of Tinos

More info on World Mental Health Day 2020 campaign and key events: an opportunity to kick-start a massive scale-up in investment in mental health

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On 15 May 2020, Greece assumed the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, and will be holding the office until 18 November 2020. Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, whose portfolio includes European Union and Council of Europe affairs, took over as Chair of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe.

In an interview* with Greek News Agenda, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis spoke about the challenges posed by assuming his new role under the current difficult circumstances, the burning issue of human rights restrictions which has been raised following the restrictive measures taken by most governments in face of the pandemic and the main priorities and aspirations of the Greek Chairmanship of the Council of Europe.

The Greek Chairmanship takes place amidst an unprecedented pandemic. What are the additional tasks and duties that you have to address in these challenging times?

Let me stress first of all that the Greek Chairmanship could not turn a blind eye to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on our societies. Its effect was felt to various degrees through different countries, unfortunately with major human losses in many cases, but also economic, political, and legal complications. At the same time, we were fully aware since the beginning that the Greek Chairmanship would coincide with a turning point in the course of the Council of Europe, due to the 70th anniversary of the signing of the European Convention on Human Rights on 4 November 2020.

Thus, as the crucial nature of the juncture we were going through became clearer, we decided to seize the opportunity for increased synergies, policy coordination and new initiatives on a European level, with the aim of eventually achieving and signing a common Declaration in Athens in November that would emphasise the protection of individual rights of European citizens in the context of sanitary emergencies.

Needless to say, the Council of Europe is a pioneering intergovernmental organisation that has traditionally fomented European governance and democracy, establishing, diffusing, and safeguarding most of what we have come to share today as our common European legal and political culture. The Council’s leading role in the domain of democracy, rule of law and human rights makes it extremely topical in the case of the pandemic; far from a simple matter pertaining to budgetary management or epidemiological models, the COVID-19 pandemic raised some unavoidable questions as to the relation between states, citizens, quality of life, laws, and freedom. For example, the necessary restriction measures adopted by European governments in order to contain the pandemic are a challenge for democratic institutions since they could well be instrumentalised for other purposes, if taken out of the context of the pandemic; the same goes for the treatment of personal data by public and, most importantly, private sector medical facilities. The safeguarding of civil liberties in times of urgency is never an easy task and the creation of the Council of Europe right in the aftermath of the Second World War meant to show exactly that no crisis or social problem, as urgent as it may be, should be solved at the expense of freedom and democracy; instead, effective social policy and the protection of human rights should go hand in hand. At the same time, the Council of Europe has been consistently concerned with social rights and the welfare of European citizens since at least 1961, with the introduction of the European Social Charter. Its pioneering role, both in terms of individual and social rights, renders it a highly needed institutional pillar that can push towards new forms of policy making and ground-breaking initiatives.

Hence, the planned Declaration of Athens will stand first of all as a renewed commitment to the fundamental principles of the European Convention on Human Rights within a new, paradigm-shifting era; it aims to be the first of its kind in tending both to individual and health rights and to epitomise our explicit interest in the intricacies of health policy, individual rights, and quality of life –including environmental considerations and climate ethics. We have already started deliberating with counterparts from the other 46 member-states, but also parliamentarians, local authorities, civil society actors, and outstanding personalities, as has been the case with our open-access online "In discussion with…" series, which has hosted up to this day Greek epidemiologist Sotiris Tsiodras and French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy. We are working non-stop on the preparation of the agenda of the summit, in order for it to produce policy, not simply speeches.

As you just pointed out, during the pandemic, the legitimate restriction of fundamental rights became a much discussed topic. How does the Greek Chairmanship aim to contribute in the detection and prevention of abusive restriction measures and the infringement of rule of law?

The possibility of temporary limitations was something already inscribed in the European Convention on Human Rights, which, inter alia, included relevant clauses for reasons of public health. Hence, an epidemic does not absolve governments and public institutions from respecting rule of law and limiting themselves in the use of proportional measures, only for the absolutely needed amount of time, always in observance of the principles and provisions of the ECHR. Scrutiny and vigilant control over national governments evidently befalls to the citizens and democratic institutions in each country, but international treaties and organisations have created a further structured framework for the monitoring of any deviances, abuses, and lack of transparency. The Council of Europe and its bodies is the European framework par excellence upon which citizens rely for this highly-demanding, reflexive task. Moreover, the recent conjuncture of the COVID-19 pandemic made clear since the start the possible implications for human rights; this initiated an immediate response on behalf of the Council of Europe and its Secretary General, Marija Pejčinović Burić, who issued a specialised toolkit for member states titled "Respecting democracy, rule of law and human rights in the framework of the COVID-19 sanitary crisis". The European Council and the treaty that lies at its core, the ECHR, stand still as essential counterweights to any authoritarian drift in the context of the pandemic. Rights to property, justice, information, especially in their modern, digital, version are irrevocable and inalienable.

The Chairmanship does not aim to overlap with existing institutional jurisdictions and monitoring bodies, but is fully aware of its distinct and crucial role: to build on the significant momentum that is ever-pervasive in our societies and push for more coordinated initiatives in order to activate research, draw lessons, accumulate all sorts of knowledge, give voice to civil society throughout Europe and eventually distill and disseminate best practices through synergies and consensus achieved with all 46 other member states. Within this context, we can pinpoint three main concerns in relation to the pandemic: defining its implications at large, identifying lessons and best practices, and analyzing the conformity of any precautionary emergency measures with the human rights clauses of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Our initiative for a common declaration can be seen in light of this political will to address a decisive issue, and renew the topicality of the ECHR and ESC. It is in this context that the Greek Chairmanship fully supports the accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human, as a significant step that would allow for an overall coherent protection of human rights throughout Europe.

One of the main priorities of the Greek Chairmanship is the protection of vulnerable groups. How do you define the term "vulnerable groups"? Why do you give particular emphasis to the protection of the rights of young people?

Every society is in the obligation to care for citizens that cannot provide for themselves and are in compelling need of welfare services due to their disadvantageous situation. This state of vulnerability might hinder their further social integration, as well as the full realisation of their individual, social, and political rights; vulnerable groups include Roma, persons with disabilities, the unemployed and, in particular, unemployed mothers, single-parent families, residents of remote mountainous areas or islands, to name some of the main categories. Access to basic social rights and provision of elementary welfare services to these populations becomes even more urgent in the case of the current sanitary crisis, where marginalisation or even discrimination could possibly take various new forms.

A particular duty has befallen upon Greece over the last years: the task of providing for thousands of unaccompanied migrant minors who by definition are vulnerable persons. Greece is therefore particularly sensitive to this issue and cannot ignore the traumas that these children have undergone in their countries of origin or transit, as well as their current needs, especially in the context of the sanitary crisis. Our stance towards these young newcomers might be an overall marker of the level of democracy, tolerance and cohesion of our society, and of Europe at large. It is up to us to do our best, institutionally, politically, but also in terms of everyday life gestures and solidarity. Furthermore, young people, Greek or foreign, are of the utmost importance for the future of all societies, and it is in difficult circumstances such as the pandemic that one realises the urgent need to provide the means for a normal social life to youth – from welfare services to proper access to information and protection against “fake news” or online extremism.

Greece has been a member of the Council of Europe since 1949. How do you judge its performance as a member state?

Greece is a member of the Council of Europe since 1949 and has steadily improved its relationships over the course of the last decades, since the fall of the authoritarian regime of the Dictatorship of the Colonels (1967-1974). Moreover, the exemplary approach that Greece has been following toward its minority and vulnerable populations has made our country a beacon of human rights and stability in an otherwise turbulent region of Europe where violence and hatred ruled for decades. However, there is always room for improvement, and there are always new conditions that may demand new initiatives. Such a case has been the massive flow of migrants and refugees through Greece.

Greece has been cooperating with the Council of Europe and its expert bodies in many fields, most notably in justice, the protection of human rights, and the refugee-migration issue. Of course, a crucial index of progress and institutional transparency are the rulings of European Court of Human Rights. The last five years have seen an exceptional improvement; at the same time, it is true that there are many appeals that are still pending against Greece, mostly in regards to procedural matters. The reform of the justice system in terms of transparency, less delays, and lower costs is an actual priority of Greece. The ECHR rulings are in fact a useful and much needed indicator for guiding member-states and opening further space for policy deliberation. This is our strength, as open societies, dealing reflexively with our shortcomings and striving collectively for a better future.

*Interview by Kostas Mavroidis

Read also via Greek News Agenda: Greece assumes the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe

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Fotini Bellou is Assistant Professor at the Department of International and European Studies of the University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki. Her areas of interest include transatlantic relations, european security, conflict resolution, and strategic communication, while a significant part of her research has focused over the last years on the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda; she is currently Director of the UNESCO Chair on Women, Peace and Security at the University of Macedonia. Greek News Agenda* had the opportunity to interview Fotini Bellou on the current state of the discipline of International Relations, gender roles in security studies, as well as the new challenges for Greek Public Diplomacy.

Your recent work has been focusing on the complex intertwinement of gender, diplomacy and peace efforts. As UNESCO Chair on Women, Peace and Security, what would you consider to be the most important achievements in this field over the last years?

The policy agenda of Women, Peace and Security (WPS) was initially formed through the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR)1325 approximately twenty years ago. The first decade was not particularly brilliant as regards the degree of public awareness, or the level of institutional adjustment from international organizations and national governments, despite its substantive enhancement at the time with the addition of a number of Security Council Resolutions.

During the second decade, however, the WPS policy agenda became incorporated as a filter in international practice and started focusing on protecting women during conflict, encouraging women’s participation in peacebuilding and conflict prevention but also fostering participatory governance through equal rights for women and men in most international organizations. I would consider two important developments to have taken place in recent years that could be seen as instrumental achievements for the promotion of the WPS policy agenda.

The first regards the institutional Action Plans on WPS or respective strategies that all major international organizations have officially adopted in recent years. These aim at projecting the WPS particular policy framework for action not only towards their internal structures but also towards their multilateral policies that also involve the governmental policies of their member states. This by no means entails an established “doctrine” for all governments and societies to follow. Effective implementation is still pending. However, I consider it entails a strong political weight which governments and political leaders are finding difficult to reject publicly these days. After all we are referring to the promotion of the fundamental human right of equality between women and men. In my opinion, sometimes small concrete institutional steps towards emancipatory democracy can prove to be more sustainable and thus difficult to challenge.

This leads to the second important achievement that has taken place in recent years. It regards the inclusion of the WPS provision in all UNSCRs related to peacekeeping operations. This means that as long as the “WPS perspective” is found at the strategic level of a peacekeeping operation, its provisions are more likely to be monitored and implemented. In other words, nowadays you can hardly find a peacekeeping or peacebuilding multinational operation without a gender advisor. Ten years ago only 2 percent of women served as heads or deputy heads of peacekeeping operations while today this indicator in peacekeeping leadership has increased into 25%. As regards female personnel in peacekeeping ops, women cover 30 percent of civilian personnel, 10 percent of police personnel and only 3 percent of military personnel. These numbers indicate that progress has taken place but we still have a long way to go before we could see more equal numbers of women and men and always in response to effectiveness in peacekeeping operations. Women’s participation in peacekeeping can be instrumental at a certain point, especially when they address conflict related gender based violence while their role is considered important in building participatory societies. At the same time women peacekeepers often function as role models in the regions they operate by galvanizing the conception of equality in society and governance.

What is the particular standing and potential contribution of Greece in the field of gender equality in the larger region of South-Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean?

Europe has recently exited a rather long economic crisis only to face new external political and humanitarian challenges. What is the role of public diplomacy in addressing these challenges?

Nowadays, public diplomacy entails several instruments and policy mechanisms through which wider audiences can be engaged in order address various common challenges. The European Union is known for the slow paces with which it promotes its public diplomacy. The role of public diplomacy is not only to inform external audiences and the EU public about the way in which the EU addresses its challenges. It involves also the implementation of certain policies that render EU citizens and third audiences beneficiaries of these policies. Public Diplomacy is effective when it can produce observable results and thus generate a positive impact on peoples’ minds. These days, the image of the EU regarding its responsiveness in addressing contemporary political or humanitarian challenges does not seem to be commensurate with its budgetary expenses on these issues. This means that its public diplomacy suffers from certain distortions and misconceptions. For example, the fact that most of the EU public does not know that the EU is globally the greatest donor as regards developmental assistance is indicative of the EU’s weakness as regards its Public Diplomacy. This is only a small example indicating the need for a reevaluation of its public diplomacy in order to bring effects to peoples’ hearts and minds within and outside the EU.

On a stricter academic note, the last decades have seen various theoretical approaches to public diplomacy in International Relations, ranging from constructivism or liberal idealism to realism. Would you say that academic trends have shifted throughout this period?

Over the last years, Public Diplomacy has evolved into a key component of states’ strategy. For this reason, a growing number of governments have incorporated major initiatives related to Public Diplomacy into their national security grand strategies. As regards the theoretical approaches to International Relations, one could safely advocate that traditional approaches have been enhanced with new theoretical approaches. Whether we like it or not, Realism is always pertinent and at time prevails in international actors’ behaviour. This applies to both state and non-state actors. However, since International Relations has evolved into a discipline trying to explain and understand a particularly composite, multiple and highly interactive international environment, it would have been a mistake not to embrace other approaches as well in order to clarify certain aspects of international phenomena. In my opinion, a previous euphoria observed almost a decade ago about the alleged prevalence of other theoretical approaches at the expense of realism is gradually vanishing. The reason is that at a time of major systemic changes and power shifts within the international system and amongst great powers, the majority of states struggle for more power and a more established position in the forthcoming new era. In this context, states’ struggle for survival and prevalence is what we do observe. This is pure Realism. We also observe other policy frameworks that have taken place, more noble, more cooperative, more inclusive. These appear as a form of narrative building process that calibrates a power game, which is played between states and even non state actors these days. I wish it was otherwise, but this is how international politics function these days. Even public diplomacy is being used by a number of states today in a very “realist” fashion. Asia is an area of particular interest in this regard.

What is the particular added value of public diplomacy and its synergy potential with other input factors in the overall foreign policy framework?

Public Diplomacy serves a state’s foreign policy as well as its national brand. Public Diplomacy has received a wider interpretation in recent years. It employs a particularly wide range of activities, including policy mechanisms and methods as to generate a very positive and influential narrative in other people’s perceptions and beliefs about a state’s international standing. Communication technologies can be of particular importance in accelerating this construction. Yet, favourable narratives can have a major influential impact on hearts and minds abroad. This can be produced by effective public diplomacy as long as it results from a sober coordination between narrative building and effective policies implemented on the ground. Otherwise, public diplomacy becomes a waste of resources. Frequently, a certain strategic conjuncture can offer opportunities and fertile space for targeted policies related to public diplomacy. For example, a number of EU governments use the months of their presidency in order to accelerate through public diplomacy a certain issue pertaining to their own national interests.

What do you see to be particular opportunities for Greek public diplomacy in the foreseeable future?

Given the improved national profile that Greece currently enjoys after having managed the Covid-19 crisis with a comparative effective fashion, Athens can certainly demonstrate other small success stories especially those related to issues that unite rather than divide nations and governments. Public diplomacy initiatives in the area of human rights, gender equality, the promotion of good governance, conflict prevention and cultural awareness constitute governmental resources that can be effectively allocated in the short to mid-term perspective. Areas where they can be implemented include both Southeastern Europe as well as the MENA region, especially countries with which Athens has already accelerated other forms of cooperation. Promoting capacity building towards weak regional states or states under post-conflict reconstruction can be considered as another necessity related to Greek Public Diplomacy, which needs a serious rejuvenation. Covid-19 has demonstrated that strong policy coordination in the implementation of clear cut objectives produces effective policy results when effective leadership makes things happen. It is also time for Athens to exercise effective transformative leadership in the area of its Public Diplomacy.

*Interview by Dimitris Gkintidis.

The post Rethinking Greece | Fotini Bellou on International Relations, gender, and the new challenges of Greek Public Diplomacy appeared first on Greek News Agenda.

Commissioner Johansson had actually had the opportunity to meet with Minister for Migration and Asylum Panagiotis Mitarachi earlier on that same day; following that meeting, they announced the creation of a temporary framework for the voluntary return of 5000 migrants that arrived on Greek islands before January 1 2020. This framework will offer an incentive of 2000 euros to each participating individual currently residing in reception centres, with funding from the EU. Returns will be implemented in cooperation with the International Organization for Migration and FRONTEX.

The Greek government’s global approach to the European migration crisis was anew firmly stated during the Council of EU Ministers of Justice and Home Affairs in Brussels the following day, March 13 2020. The Greek side made clear that for a solution to the migration crisis to be viable, it has to be based on the foundational principles of fairness and solidarity among member-states. Along these lines, Greek representative Alternate Minister for Migration and Asylum Giorgos Koumoutsakos spoke on behalf of all frontline member-states, which are Greece, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, and Malta. Mr Koumoutsakos expressed their common concerns and views. These suggestions first of all address the creation of an efficient system for the management of normal migration flows, as well as sudden surges. Secondly, the creation of a common framework for the return of migrants. In a long-term perspective, the Greek side stressed the need for a common system for the distribution and the prompt evaluation of asylum applications, beyond their current concentration in frontline countries as prescribed by the Dublin regulation. The recent external threats on the eastern Greek borders also rendered urgent the further enhancement of European external borders, including supplementary funding, ad hoc interventions, border patrolling cooperation, anti-trafficking initiatives, humanitarian aid initiatives and cooperation in migrant returns. Finally, Greece stressed the increased importance that legal migration and social integration should hold in the elaboration of any future EU migration policy.

*Intro Photo: Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis discusses with European Commissioner for Home Affairs Ylva Johansson at the Maximos Mansion in Athens, March 12 2020 (Source: AMNA/Dimitris Papamitsos)

D.G.

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The draft law on legal recognition of gender identity passed in the Greek Parliament this Tuesday 10/10/17 with 171 MPs supporting the bill in principle and 114 voting against. Article 3, for the right of persons to change their legal gender at the age of 15, was passed with 148 votes in favour out of a total of 285 MPs present. Ruling coalition leader SYRIZA and the Potami party voted in favour of the bill in principle, as well as the individual articles. Main opposition New Democracy, Far-right Golden Dawn, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and the Centrists Union voted against the bill in its entirety while the Democratic Alliance voted in favour for everything except article 3, where it abstained.

Maria Yannakaki, Secretary General for Transparency and Human Rights at the Ministry of Justice, Transparency and Human Rights that intoduced the bill, spoke to Greek News Agenda*, about transgender rights as humans rights, the most important changes introduced by the new law, the problems trans people face in Greece and finally, the importance of bringing "taboo" discussions into public debate in order to challenge misconceptions and move society foward.

The legal recognition of gender identity has been a long standing claim of the LGBTQI+ community. Can you tell us why this is a human rights issue?

Social justice only stands when all citizens are treated equally and are protected as citizens; even though they may belong to groups with characteristics that differentiate them from the social majority. Such a group is our LGBTQI+ fellow citizens. There were numerous occasions where these citizens were a target of racist behaviour - be that verbal, psychological or physical abuse. Additionally, and deeper into societal justice issue: Due to the social stigma they faced if they came out, these people often suppressed their own true selves and tried to live under an identity that wasn’t their own, in order to achieve what all other citizens are entitled to, such as get a home to live in, get a job, get equal treatment in any public aspect of their lives. The core purpose of the gender recognition as law is exactly that: to abolish the administrative reasons underlying the unfair treatment of these citizens and to allow them to live their life as the person they feel they are. Respect towards human values, without any exceptions and exclusions, is the foundation of our democratic culture and it does not come a la carte, but as a duty of our State. Not a moral one, but a constitutional one. And the constitutional confirmation and protection of Human Rights is at the core of our political identity as a government.

What does the bill include? Which are the most important changes it introduces?

The most important change this bill introduces is the fact that a person who would like to legally proceed to a gender transition is no longer obliged to go through a surgical operation or get medical approval to do so. The way the person experiences their gender identity, the person’s own free will, is the only factor taken into account to legally proceed with gender transition and the procedure is the same one that applies to any other case in which a citizen of this country wants to change a part of identity information, such as their name. This bill, in a few words, gives the chance to anyone who wishes to correct their “official” gender information without them having to go through an undesired sterilization or surgical process. Furthermore, the bill also includes the right of persons between the age of 15 to 17 to proceed with the correction, provided they have their parents’ or legal guardians’ consent and the approval of a medical board.

The LGBTQI+ community has expressed concerns about certain elements of the bill, such as the maintenance of the judicial procedure -rather than a simpler administrative act- and the exclusion of married people from the process. How do you comment?

 As for the opposition parties in the parliamentary discussion of the bill: All I have to say is that the moment of truth is when it comes down to a vote and hands will be raised or will stay down. When a political party claims to be pro-European, progressive, an ardent defender of human rights and this is claimed to be a core of its political identity, there is no room for cheap oppositional tactics. Human rights are protected globally and universally and cannot be measured in terms of political games.

As for the church, I personally had no illusions or great expectations for it to remain silent or even moderate, although I acknowledge the fact that not all clergy is the same. But I certainly do not see any reason why the church would be an official stakeholder in this. Faith and its practice is a personal issue, it is not to be brought up every time we try to settle civic issues. But this leads us again to what I said earlier about traditionalism and its interference in social justice issues.

What are the most important problems trans people face in Greek society? What are the most common misconceptions about gender identity?

It is truly horrifying for someone to realise the everyday issues trans people have to deal with, things that every other citizen takes for granted, things that are otherwise so trivial and simple technicalities, that most of us don’t even bother to think about. Transgender people face problems with simple procedures such as getting a driver’s license issued, obtaining their travel documents etc. I cannot even begin to imagine how stressful my life and everyone else’s would be if we had to face such issues every day. We are talking about people, citizens, who want to live their day to day routine like the rest of us, in the same terms the majority does. We were not letting them do even that without having to put their personal dignity aside and pretend to be someone they are not, forcing them to even dress and look like someone they are not, in order to be able to proceed with trivial issues of everyday life. Never mind the racist behaviour they occasionally faced, precisely because not even the State itself recognized till now their right to live with dignity.

As for society, unfortunately there is a very large part of it that still has not grasped the fact that gender identity and sexual orientation are two different things. The most common misconception is definitely this. There just isn’t enough information available to the people, so that they get to learn these differences, and I understand that this is partially our fault, as a State, but also a result of what I was saying before about taboo discussion issues in Greek society.

A large section of society is not deeply negative and “morally” opposed to the gender recognition law. If someone provides them with detailed information on what this bill includes and how these are civic matters, they will understand that this is about equality. Hypocrisy and fear of those different from us, the ones outside society norms will always be there. Unfortunately, there are still too many people who just don’t have the appropriate education and information about these things and we are on that, trying to make these issues visible and provide the right information to those who want to listen. I believe that a whole new starting point was set after the extension of civil partnership to same sex couples in 2015. Since then, the public debate has moved forward, even though some voices, or rather shouts, still remain the same.

How do you evaluate the government's work in the field of human rights? What challenges lie ahead?

This government is very proud to have taken legislative steps in the last 2,5 years in the field of human rights, that -otherwise unfortunately- had not been taken earlier for decades. More specifically, we expanded the application of civil partnership to same sex couples as well, enforced antiracist legislation and legislation against any form of discrimination, and formed a National Council against Racism and Intolerance to compile a national strategy for tackling and preventing these issues, in cooperation with civil society and state authorities.

Also, with Law 4443/2016 for equal treatment, we brought important changes to legislation, as the law applied to a broader frame of cases, the Ombudsman’s responsibilities increased and private sector cases could now be examined by it. We proceeded to the designation of Special Prosecutors responsible for cases of racial violence, in the cities of Athens, Piraeus, Thessaloniki, Patras and Irakleion, and to the abolishment of article 347 of the Penal Code. We took measures to make the life of prisoners better, respecting their rights as humans as well.

Last but not least, the Legal Gender Recognition bill is a Greek State law as of last Tuesday. The fight for human rights is a constant one. I’d like to say, that, as long as there is humanity, this will be a never ending fight. Are the aforementioned taken steps enough for the protection and promotion human rights? The answer is definitely “no”. But we are making progress; we are taking measures in the right direction that should have been taken a long, long time ago. When only 3 years ago Greece was the black sheep in these issues, the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe Muiznieks remarked last summer that Greece is the friendliest country regarding human rights. We intend to remain that kind of country.

 Transgender Europe: Trans Rights Europe Map & Index March 2017

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Katerina Gregos is one of the most dynamic art curators living and working in Brussels, as artistic director of the international art fair “Art Brussels”. She has received international distinctions for her work as an art historian, independent curator and author and has curated important international exhibitions, such as the Danish participation at the 54^th Venice Biennale, Belgium’s participation at the 56^th Venice Biennale and last year’s 5^th Thessaloniki Biennale.  Distinguished for her work as a founding director and curator of the Centre of Contemporary Art Foundation Deste (1997-2002) and Artistic Director of Argos - Centre for Art and Media in Brussels (2006-2008), Gregos has curated a new exhibition opening its doors to the public tomorrow at the Art Space Pythagorion in Samos.

Entitled “A world not ours” and running from August 5 – October 15 in Samos, the exhibition focuses on the drama of the refugees from a humanitarian perspective. The location of the exhibition was not randomly selected: Samos is one of the three Greek islands (along with Mytilene and Kos) at the heart of a humanitarian tragedy taking place in the Aegean since 2015.  The artists involved in the project attempt to bring to light the very complex issue of the refugee crisis, with narrations and by challenging people’s prejudices so as to awaken public opinion and address this unresolved issue that Europe as a whole is trying to handle. Installations, performances, photo exhibitions and film screenings by artists, photographers, filmmakers and activists will be on display to highlight the issues behind one of the most pressing matters of our times, and create empathy for the problems that refugees face, like forced displacement and the experience of homelessness, perpetual insecurity, diasporic identities and existential limbo, as well as challenge standardised media representations and polarised narratives of the refugee crisis.

The title of the exhibition comes from the award-winning homonymous 2012 film by director Mahdi Fleifel, which borrowed its name from a book by the Palestinian author Ghassan Kanafani, and talks about the diaspora experience and the search of identity by people in exile, living at a refugee camp in southern Lebanon. Artists, Yannis Behrakis, Tanja Boukal, Róza El-Hassan, Ninar Esber, Mahdi Fleifel, Marina Gioti, Juice Rap News, Sallie Latch, Yorgos Moutafis and Diller Scofidio & Renfro, Mark Hansen, Laura Kurgan, and Ben Rubin, in collaboration with Robert Gerard Pietrusko and Stewart Smith based on an idea by Paul Virilio, will present their work at “Art Space Pythagorion” an events and exhibition space operated by the Schwarz Foundation in Samos. In fact, this particular art space promotes the mission of the Foundation, which advocates that awareness of an enduring historical tradition plays a vital role in understanding current problems as well as in imagining the future.

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Musicians, dancers, actors, writers and many artists from all over the world have begun gathering on the island of Lesvos to participate in a unique festival that officially kicked off yesterday and will run until August 26. The Symbiosis (from the Greek word that means Coexistence) Lesvos Arts Festival proudly welcomes people from all over the world that wish to use their art as means to express themselves in an open dialogue that will inform and promote ideas to address the pressing issues of the refugee crisis. At the same time, through its numerous events and activities, the Festival aims to attract interest to the island of Lesvos and to highlight its cultural heritage and endless beauties.

The idea behind this Festival was generated when 3 Greeks from Thessaloniki met a Palestinian and then a local from Lesvos.  Hussein from Palestine arrived last January in Lesvos to work as a cultural mediator for Doctors Without Borders. Struck by its beauty and its people, while working to support the refugee communities, he soon became involved with the locals and realized that they too deserve to be recognized for their amazing acts of selflessness and solidarity! Rita had a history of love for Lesvos. She had visited the island many times before deciding to move there. She quickly became an active member of the local community and started a youth acting group, mounting a number of shows with local students.  Hussein met Rita and began working on the idea of a festival. Meanwhile Lida, who was living in London, had been working on the idea of an arts festival in Lesvos for a few months. Through local volunteer groups she got in touch with Hussein and Rita, and after a while the two festivals merged activities and this is how SYMBIOSIS came about. With the contribution of Eri, who had fled Thessaloniki to move to Lesvos and actively became involved in the project, and Mersa, who knew the local art scene inside-out, they were able to bring the Festival to life.

Admission to the Festival is free of charge and the event is divided into three thematic parts taking place in the city of Mytilini and the villages Eressos and Molyvos.  Musicians from different corners of the world, including Dutch-American, alt-pop, piano-driver singer and songwriter, Laura Jansen, Egyptian Ramy Essam, Turkish Olcay Bayir, Italian Gianni Denitto and a number of Greek ​musicians will be performing. The programme also includes artistic and theatrical performances with a number of theatre groups performing classic or more experimental pieces, as well as a unique, in its character, theatre group from Sweden, the Mosaic Theatre, comprised of people with mental health or learning disabilities. A core part of Symbiosis Festival is the everyday workshops (both within and outside refugee camps), panel discussions, a food festival and a film festival. The organizers have also teamed-up with London-based organisationLon-art, who are committed to designing and delivering workshops that aim to discuss social issues and bring social change. The team of Lon-art will be delivering a mix of creative and educational workshops, both for the festival-goers and the people in the refugee camps.

The organization of the event is under the hospices of the Municipality of Lesvos with the support of local communities and agencies, as well as independent contributors. With the hope that the festival will promote all aspects of the refugee issue but also the local community of Lesvos, the organizers invite all people to contribute, by volunteering as performers, assistants or even co-organizers. People are also encouraged to donate to the crowdfunding campaign of the festival and spread the word through social and traditional media  

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“Faith is something you experience. Nobody can take it from you.” Father Antonios Papanikolaou.

It was 1998 and a young orthodox priest who had just received his ordainment in the parish of Agios Georgios Church in the area of Kolonos-Attica, felt the need to reach out to his community by giving a second chance to children who were living under conditions of total negligence and abandonment.

Back in the late ‘90s that particular area of western Attica was one of the most difficult regions to live in, troubled by cases of drug trafficking, gang crime and social exclusion mainly for the young.  For the 27 year old Father Antonios Papanikolaou, this was the ideal place to take action. “I was watching from my window, young abandoned kids, involved in drugs and completely wretched. I started wondering what could I do to help them? At first, it started with a group of young adolescents. I approached them and asked them to join me at a basketball game… I sat down and listened to them, I accepted them exactly like they were. I realized that my flock was out and not inside the Church”,he explains in one of his interviews and underlines that by joining these children in their space, their home, the neighborhood square or the field, he saw their positive features emerging through sports and tournaments. “When someone is that desperate, like they were what can you really tell them? That Christ will save them? They will not pay attention”, sites the active priest who soon realized that in order to make a difference to the lives of these children, he needed to create a safer place for them, where they would be nurtured and loved. At first he used his own home. And when that space proved too small, he rented another space, an abandoned cafeteria, where he was able to receive the growing number of socially excluded children who were daily experiencing abandonment, indifference and racism. The "Ark of the World", a Non-Profit Organization for the Special Care and Protection of Mothers and Children, was thus born, in order to create programs of support with an ultimate goal to help the children of the area return to school and complete their education.

Father Antonios did not have a specific plan in mind, when he set the whole project in motion. “One thing led to another. The children were sick. So we said, we need to cook in one corner (of the shelter) and teach them in the other corner. Then the homeless came in, so we put beds. Then we built bathrooms so that the children could bathe and one thing led to another”. As soon as people started getting acquainted with the work of the young priest, they gradually joined his cause by volunteering to the work of “The Ark”, teaching the children, cooking for them or bringing them clothes, shoes and toys. But from the very beginning, the message was that “The Ark of the World” was a place for everybody, regardless of ethnicity or religion. It was through the relentless work of Father Antonios that his community was persuaded to accept and support immigrants and not exclude them or marginalize them. “How can a refugee survive unless you educate and help him find his way? He will be otherwise forced to steal! I approached the immigrants’ and refugees’ children and explained them the history of our fathers and grandfathers…. We know what the words “refugee”, “racism” and “death” mean. If everyone took action in his neighborhood we wouldn’t be facing this huge problem with foreigners who cannot leave the country and are pushed into the margins of society! So, we can either lock ourselves inside our homes or help them stand on their feet!”

Despite the numerous difficulties and adversities, Father Antonios remains optimistic and never loses his hope and dedication to his goal: to always find ways to help as many children as possible! With the support of numerous volunteers, they are providing today help to approximately 500 children from Greece and abroad, aged as young as infants to 18-year-olds, making the centre of Athens a community of compassion and love. The Ark offers food to 1.300 people on a daily basis (mostly homeless mothers with their children, including refugees and non-refugees) and meets the needs of children for their education as well as clothing, footwear, medical and dental care through the work of volunteers. There are also teachers and instructors who organize workshops for ceramics, hagiography, computing, foreign languages, folk dances and learning of musical instruments, among other things.  

The focus remains largely to the aid and support of mothers who struggle from cases of abuse, abandonment and poverty. They are given the opportunity to place their children to the daily care of “The Ark of the World” and at the same time they can receive financial aid to pay their bills and rent.  The ultimate goal is to help them stand on their feet and be able to provide for their children in full. Since 2012, “The Ark of the World” has added more actions to its work of solidarity: a renovated three storey building in Piraeus has been operating as a guest house for unaccompanied children, a “social grocery” serves 200 families on a daily basis and during the last two years, “The Ark of the World” has been operating a centre at Pogoniani Ioanninon in the region of Epirus and another one in Chios island, including an agricultural school and a boarding school for the children. 150 children in total are sheltered in Athens, Piraeus, Epirus and Chios.

Ever since its establishment, “The Ark of the World” has received numerous awards and distinctions in Greece and abroad. This year, “Suberbrands” a prestigious international organization operating in Greece since 1995 which identifies on a yearly basis the country’s strongest brands, has selected “The Ark of the World” as a “Superbrand ” in the section Non Governmental Organizations, out of 68 candidates.

As once Father Antonios said: “volunteerism is a tangible action of love and therefore shouldn’t be awarded”. So the work of solidarity and love continues through his relentless efforts, combined with the work of volunteers and donors who support the mission of “The Ark of the World” in protecting, supporting and spreading love to children and mothers in need.

Watch:  Father Antonios’ interview for LoveGreece.com and SKAI TV

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