Thodoris Georgakopoulos is a writer, a journalist and the editorial director of the Dianeosis think tank. He recently edited the collective volume published by Dianeosis, titled “10 reforms that changed Greece” [link in Greek]. The book presents and analyzes ten important - but very different from each other - reforms that have been introduced in the Greek political system during the last 200 years.

The reforms and the writers that narrate their history are the following:                       

• Constitutionalist Xenophon Kontiadis writes about the Constitution of Troezen that passed in 1827 after an episodic process and, although it was never implemented, laid the foundations on which the Hellenic Republic operates until today.
• Legal practitioner and historian Lydia Tricha writes about "principle of declared confidence" [dedilomeni], perhaps the most important principle of our parliamentary regime, established in 1875.  
• Historian Katerina Gardika writes about the fight against malaria, and specifically about an important intervention that began in 1905 and did not come from the state or some foreign agent, but from what we now call "civil society".
• Constitutionalist Spyros Vlachopoulos writes about the constitutional guarantee of the tenure of civil servants which, after many adventures, passed in 1911.  
• Economic historian Ioanna Sappho Pepelasi writes about the law instituting the "Société Anonyme" (S.A.) type of coorparation, which, also after many decades of efforts, passed in 1920.
• Political scientist Dimitris P. Sotiropoulos writes about the reception and intergration of hundreds of thousands of refugees who came to Greece in the 1920s, mainly after the Asia Minor Catastrophe. 
• Geographer Thomas Maloutas writes about the Antiparochi, a law that helped significantly in meeting the housing needs of cities at a time when they were growing rapidly.
• Historian Evanthis Hadjivassiliou writes about the establishment of rural clinics, which changed the living conditions in the Greek province forever. 
• Linguist Maro Kakridi-Ferrari writes about the introduction of the Demotiki, the colloquial vernacular, as the official language of the state in 1976.
• Political scientist Kalliopi Spanou writes about the foundation of ASEP, the Supreme Council for Civil Personnel Selection in 1994.

Thodoris Georgakopoulos spoke to Rethinking Greece* on the criteria for selecting these 10 reforms presented in the book, the fact that the modern Greek state has instituted a significant number of important reforms, the importance of civil society as exemplified in reforms like the fight against malaria in the beginning of the 20th century and the establishment of the Demotiki as an official language in 1976; the success of the integration of one million refugees from Asia Minor in 1922 and finally on how Greece can achieve great results when it coordinates its resources and works on a clearly defined project. He concludes that in all democratic societies, solutions are almost always late and messy and that, contrary to popular belief, they are not brought about single-handedly by inspired politicians; the clear or implied support of the majority is a necessary precondition for any signifcant reform to pass.

In the introduction of the book “10 reforms that changed Greece” you mention that what you were more interested in was not to evaluate or record these reforms, but to explore their "political history. Can you tell us more on that? What were the criteria for selecting these specific reforms were selected?

What was important for us was to see if we could establish patterns and arrive to conclusions about reforms in Greece in general. All those reforms were important; they changed something fundamental in the country. That meant that all of these reforms were difficult to pass, and that's exactly what we wanted to explore. How are reforms introduced in the Greek political system? Who are the main players that usually succeed in passing reforms? What were the difficulties? What are the common threads between these difficulties and how they were surmounted by the political forces of each era?

A second criterion was that the reforms included in the book were all implemented during democratic periods of our nation's political history. We did not include reforms that happened during Otto's reign, for example, or during the dictatorship, or during other periods of our history when we didn't have a steady democratic regime in place. Sometimes the democracy conditions were not ideal, but there was at least a minimum of public participation in what was happening in the political system. Despite the turbulent history of modern Greece, there are actually large parts of our political history that could be described as democratic. The reforms that we selected for book are all located within those periods. And a third criterion was that there was an interesting political story behind each reform. We wanted to make the book vivid easy to understand and to extract conclusions from. They weren't strict criteria, in the sense that there are so many reforms that could fit into them.

Once we arrived at a preliminary list of reforms of that kind, we matched reforms with the experts who knew the political history of these reforms very well. And it was quite easy to find ten reforms of this kind to include in this book, we could select 20, and it would still be easy. Contrary to what many people believe, a lot of very important reforms have been introduced by the Greek political system in the past 200 years.

The book emphasizes that - contrary to popular belief - these reforms were not the result of the vision of an enlightened person, but of the mobilization of civil society. Can you give us a couple of examples of such reforms?

Well, civil society did not participate in all these reforms per se. What happened was that there was a need and an expressed desire of the general public for these reforms to pass, for all of them. For example, everyone wanted malaria to be cured. Everyone desired a more equitable and more meritocratic public sector. In a couple of cases, the participation of civil society, what we call civil society today, was crucial. One prime example of this is how Greek society managed to deal with malaria, which had been a huge problem for decades. For centuries, actually, Greece was one of the most afflicted places in the world; death rates from malaria were similar to those of African nations. At one point, Greece was consuming a fifth of a global Quinine production, which was the only antimalarial drug that was available at the time. Many governments and state organizations, as well as philanthropic organizations had been trying to deal with this issue. The definitive solution would not arrive until the second half of the 20th century, when technological solutions as well as funds and expertise from international philanthropic organizations were available.

But to arrive at that point, there were a few crucial conditions that needed to be at place first. As we explain in the book, what happened was the foundation, in 1905, of the Greek Anti-Malaria League, which was we could call today a civil society organization. The organization did something very important that hadn't been done before: they gathered data from different areas of the country with cases of malaria, as well as death rates, they created maps that traced and followed the evolution of the disease in the actual population, as well as an infrastructure of gathering data by local doctors. This gave them for the first time an actual image of what malaria was doing to the Greek population and of the scope of the problem. At the time this data was invaluable and very difficult to gather and organize; Greek didn’t even have a Ministry of Health. These complete date sets were vital to the international philanthropic organizations that came later, as they had the necessary information to work with.

Another example in which the civil society played a major part was the issue of the official state language in Greece. Many people don't remember it, but we used to have a dual language system. There was one dialect of the Greek language, the Katharevousa, which was the official language of the state and the preferred language of the elites; and there was another dialect, the regular Dimotiki, which was what the vast majority of the population was using to communicate on a daily basis. For the majority of the existence of the Greek State - the past 200 years- this official language, the Katharevousa was the language of the academics, the politicians, the language that educated individuals wrote in and expressed themselves in, especially in official settings.

Katharevousa was also the language that was taught in schools. Students had to learn it, despite the fact that back home, almost everyone was exclusively speaking in the Demotiki dialect. That was an issue that had become a major arena for ideological and political battles throughout the history of the Greek state. There were very active social groups that were defending the one or the other dialect. Today that may sound very strange, but it was a very serious issue that troubled Greece for decades; it had led to major riots in Athens, brutal confrontations, and even deaths. The mobilization of the organizations that were supporting the universal use of the Demotiki language across all aspects of life in Greece was extremely vital to reaching a solution; finally Demotiki was adopted as the official language of the Greek state in 1976.

In the last two years Greece - along with the rest of the world - had to face the great health crisis of Covid 19. What are the lessons we can learn from the way in which the Greek state handled emergencies such as the integration of 1,000,000 refugees from Asia Minor in 1922?

Beginning a few years ago and culminating a few years after the defeat of the Greek Army in the war of Asia Minor in 1922, over a million refugees came to Greece. And then an exchange of populations with Turkey was agreed, which created a major problem for the Greek state at the time, as the country needed to welcome, host and integrate a whole new population that amounted to almost 1/6 of the total population of the country at the time. This happened in a way that was mostly successful, which almost seems inconceivable, considering what the Greek state was capable of at the time. The major lesson we can glean from this time in Greek history is that even a not very mature state can come up with great results if it coordinates its limited resources and works on a clearly defined project.

In this particular case, the international element was important. There were international non-profit organizations that came to Greece, and there was also a state organization, the Refugee Rehabilitation Committee that was created to steer the entire effort. It was foreign-lead, but it was populated by Greek civil servants. And the actual work was done with what the Greek state had available at the time. The way these one million refugees from Asia Minor were integrated could be described as almost flawless. Of course, there were tragic cases among all those million refugees and their families. But as a whole, the fact that they could be led to specific places, given jobs and that we were able to build infrastructure to host them, was a great success. Buildings were erected, and even entire neighborhoods were built in cities like Kavala and elsewhere. At the same time, we were able to exploit opportunities of the era, like the fact that after the exchange of populations with Turkey, large populations of Muslims had left great areas of Greece; these areas were populated with the new refugees, which is pretty much what happened in Macedonia. There was an organizational direction from the international organization that came to Greece at the time, but it was the Greek state, working towards a common goal that was able to direct its own resources to solve a problem that seemed insurmountable at the time.

In an article for ‘Kathimerini’ newspaper you write that all the reforms had the support of large social groups, but in the end they all passed slowly, with difficulties and obstacles. What do you think were the reasons for these difficulties? Is this the case always with great reforms?

I think this is what happens in all Democratic societies. Whenever big reforms are needed, they are needed to solve an important problem. In states like the Greek state that has existed for 200 years, there are some entrenched interests that have adapted to a status quo and don't want things to change. Usually these groups, which are almost always very vocal minorities, have a lot to lose from these reforms. Here we can look at the example the reform of ASEP, the creation of an independent body for the selection of civil servants in 1994. There were interests with political power that had a lot to lose if the selection of civil servants happened in a meritocratic and transparent system. In the meantime, the majorities that want the reform to pass have very little to lose or to gain on an individual basis. It is to the benefit of the whole of a society if civil servants are selected with a meritocratic and transparent system, but each and every one of us has very little to gain. That means that every single one of us has very little incentive to actually fight for such a reform, whereas people who benefit from a clientelistic system have a lot to lose if such a reform passes, so they have great incentive to fight against it.

Part of the political system also might have an entrenched opposition to pass this type of reforms because it has learned to live with the current system. But as it happens, and it’s apparent in most of these reforms included in the book, what the majority wants is very important; it provides a strong mandate to the political forces that do want to pass these reforms. That mandate is crucial. It's essential. Within the political system, there have been healthy and sometimes vocal majorities –or civil society groups as we mentioned- that push the political system towards the end goal. They do not always succeed immediately. Sometimes it takes decades for conditions to mature. And when the reform actually does pass, it's rarely clean or perfect. The reality is always messier than that. Even in the case of the ASEP reform, it actually did create a meritocratic and transparent system to select civil servants with, bu there were parts of the law that introduced this new system that were problematic. But the main thing is that the system survives. It actually still works almost 30 years later.

So the lesson that one can arrive to, is that democracy is always messy. Solutions are never clean, as problems are never clean cut, black and white. Solutions are almost always late and almost always messy. And they never, ever pass unless there is a clear or at least an implied mandate from a silent or not very silent majority. I think that's the way democracy works all around the world. Popular mandate is crucial; people need to want the reforms in order for them to pass. The idea that some incredible politicians that have a strong will and the perfect instincts, are single-handedly able to pass these types of reforms, is a myth. It never, ever happens without the approval of the silent majority.

* Interview by: Ioulia Livaditi

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The Greek government recently signed a memorandum of cooperation that will transform a number of small Aegean islands into “green” islands.  The agreement - which was signed by the Ministry of Energy and Environment, the French Embassy, and six companies- sets in motion the GR-Eco Island Plan, aiming to green the country’s archipelago by making the islands independent of the national grid and providing them with renewable energy sources (RES).

One of the smallest inhabited islands of the Dodecanese, Chalki, is the first to be included in the plan, paving the way for an “energy democracy model” and a transition to “prosumers” – namely, “consumers who produce and benefit from RES without additional charges” as PM Mitsotakis recently stated during his visit to the island.

Among others, the initiative foresees the provision of free electricity to the members of the energy community generated by a photovoltaic system (PV), the delivery of electric vehicles to be used by the police, the Coast Guard, and the island’s municipality, the installation of four electric vehicle chargers at the port, a solar-power boat that will offer tours around the island, as well as the installation of a 5G telecommunications network and (IoT) technologies that will facilitate access to education (e-learning) and telemedicine. 

Overall, through the pilot project, the government hopes to establish sustainable and energy-efficient island communities, address climate change and lead the way in sustainable development and innovation. Within this context, the Chalki energy community scheme will serve as an example for other islands to follow, being part of a larger Greek government drive towards sustainability and an effort to tackle climate change.

“Our target for Chalki is to act as an ambassador, a case-study that this [pilot project] works and that it creates value for any community who joins our Gr-Eco Islands Initiative,” said Alexandra Sdoukou, Secretary-General for Energy and Mineral Resources at the Ministry of Energy and Environment.

Special mention to the pioneering nature of the GR-Eco Initiative was recently made by the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, at the United Nations Conference on Climate Change (COP26), noting that the strategy is set to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by more than 10 million tons, gradually turning the country's islands into 100% green and sustainable, autonomous destinations.

Watch PM Mitsotakis' full speech at COP26 (November 2021) here.

See also on GNA:

E.S.

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Can a country reverse its negative image? What methods can Public Diplomacy (PD) use to enhance a country’s image? How can positive momentum be used to sway public opinion? Has the public image of Greece changed over the past few months? The internationally renowned Professors Nicholas J. Cull (University of Southern California) and Stathis Kalyvas (University of Oxford), will be asked to address these -and many more- questions during the first online “Greek PD Talks” titled “Turning the Tide: How to reverse a negative image - The case of Greece”, on Thursday, June 18th, 2020 at 19:30 (Αthens local time).

The initiative

The “Greek PD Talks” is a forum inaugurated this year by the Secretariat General for Public Diplomacy of the Greek Foreign Ministry, providing a platform for a vibrant exchange of views and best practices on Public Diplomacy affairs.

The first round of the PD Talks discussion focuses on how to better manage and promote the country’s national image, a priority of the Secretariat General for Public Diplomacy, which gains an additional interest in the post-pandemic era, taking into account the positive momentum reflected in international reports on Greece.

Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for Diaspora Greeks, Konstantinos Vlasis and Secretary-General for Public Diplomacy, Religious and Consular Affairs, Constantinos Alexandris will give welcome speeches, while Renee Maltezou, Reuters political and general news correspondent, will moderate the discussion.

The Speakers

Nicholas J. Cull is Professor of Public Diplomacy and Founding Director of the Master’s Program in Public Diplomacy at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication, as well as a USC Center on Public Diplomacy (CPD) Faculty Fellow. An acknowledged pioneer in Public Diplomacy, his research, and teaching focus on the role of public engagement in foreign policy. He is a prolific writer and his most recent book is “Public Diplomacy: Foundations for Global Engagement in the Digital Age” (Polity, 2019). He has lectured widely around the world, frequently as a guest of diplomatic academies or foreign ministries and public diplomacy agencies.  

In a recent interview to Greek News Agenda, Professor Cull spoke, among others, on Greece and the need for the country to listen and understand its strengths, as well as its vulnerabilities in international opinion having though the unique advantage of people’s pre-existing emotional connection to its ancient world.

“The first thing that every initiative in PD must begin with is listening. Greece needs to listen to understand its strengths and its vulnerabilities in international opinion. We know that reputations change quickly so the government may be frustrated to find that many international ideas are out of date. This can work in your favor when outside perception is slow to pick up on failings which seem obvious to residents. The US and UK both are seen rather more favorably overseas than many at-home would expect. One of the unique advantages of Greece is the pre-existing emotional connection which people have to its places: the site of Olympus or Thermopylae. It seems as astonishing to see these on road signs as it would be to see signs for places in Lord of the Rings or Star Wars. Yet Greece has often done little to take advantage of the link between the inner-mental place and the real-world location on Greek territory. (…) Greece has done more for the Gods we’ve outgrown than the mortal concepts we are still working with, and I wonder if there is a way to invite the world to share in the memorialization and further perpetuation of those ideas”.

Stathis N. Kalyvas is the Gladstone Professor of Government in the Department of Politics and International Relations and a Fellow of All Souls College, at the University of Oxford. Until 2018 he was Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science at Yale University, where he also directed the Program on Order, Conflict, and Violence and co-directed the Hellenic Studies Program. As an active participant in Greek public discourse, Professor Kalyvas has published, amongst other works, "Modern Greece: What Everyone Needs To Know" (2015), combining economic and political-science findings on the economic crisis with a discussion of Greece's history.

In an interview to Greek News Agenda, in 2016, Professor Kalyvas spoke, among others, on how the economic crisis informs Greek identity/ies, and how Greeks can reconstruct their self-perception in a positive perspective.

“The crisis is not a uniform process and it has affected public perceptions in Greece in a variable manner throughout the past years. I have the feeling that after a period of denial, there is at present a process of reconciliation with the hard economic reality, which is a precondition for making the necessary changes. Of course, whether these will take place is a completely different story.  If Greece succeeds, however, this will likely shape the self-perspective of Greeks in a more positive direction, stressing the (presently feeble) ability to self-correct in the face of adversity”.

To register for the first Greek PD Talks: click here

The Greek MFA's Sec-Gen for Public Diplomacy launches the first Greek #PDTalks webinar 

See also: “Public Diplomacy in Practice”: Inaugural seminar of the Secretariat General for Public Diplomacy; Sec-Gen for Public Diplomacy, Religious and Consular Affairs Constantinos Alexandris on building the new image of Greece; The practice of Greek Public Diplomacy and its contribution to the country’s image abroad

E.S.

The post Join the first “Greek Public Diplomacy talks” webinar: the new initiative of the Sec Gen for Public Diplomacy appeared first on Greek News Agenda.

Commissioner Johansson had actually had the opportunity to meet with Minister for Migration and Asylum Panagiotis Mitarachi earlier on that same day; following that meeting, they announced the creation of a temporary framework for the voluntary return of 5000 migrants that arrived on Greek islands before January 1 2020. This framework will offer an incentive of 2000 euros to each participating individual currently residing in reception centres, with funding from the EU. Returns will be implemented in cooperation with the International Organization for Migration and FRONTEX.

The Greek government’s global approach to the European migration crisis was anew firmly stated during the Council of EU Ministers of Justice and Home Affairs in Brussels the following day, March 13 2020. The Greek side made clear that for a solution to the migration crisis to be viable, it has to be based on the foundational principles of fairness and solidarity among member-states. Along these lines, Greek representative Alternate Minister for Migration and Asylum Giorgos Koumoutsakos spoke on behalf of all frontline member-states, which are Greece, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, and Malta. Mr Koumoutsakos expressed their common concerns and views. These suggestions first of all address the creation of an efficient system for the management of normal migration flows, as well as sudden surges. Secondly, the creation of a common framework for the return of migrants. In a long-term perspective, the Greek side stressed the need for a common system for the distribution and the prompt evaluation of asylum applications, beyond their current concentration in frontline countries as prescribed by the Dublin regulation. The recent external threats on the eastern Greek borders also rendered urgent the further enhancement of European external borders, including supplementary funding, ad hoc interventions, border patrolling cooperation, anti-trafficking initiatives, humanitarian aid initiatives and cooperation in migrant returns. Finally, Greece stressed the increased importance that legal migration and social integration should hold in the elaboration of any future EU migration policy.

*Intro Photo: Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis discusses with European Commissioner for Home Affairs Ylva Johansson at the Maximos Mansion in Athens, March 12 2020 (Source: AMNA/Dimitris Papamitsos)

D.G.

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The Secretariat General for Public Diplomacy, Religious and Consular Affairs of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs recently inaugurated a series of in-service seminars, with the first, “Public Diplomacy in Practice”, taking place in Athens on February 19, 2020. The aim of the seminar was to gather officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as from other Departments of Government and public organizations, to discuss extrovert activity and familiarize with Public Diplomacy new trends and methods, so as to promote Greece to a wider international public.

The seminar was addressed by the Secretary General for Public Diplomacy, Religious and Consular Affairs, Konstantinos Alexandris who underlined the need for Greece, following a long period of introversion, to regain foothold and promote the nation’s narrative in a systematic, coordinated and targeted way. Public diplomacy (hereafter: PD) is about understanding, informing and engaging citizens, all of which play a role in influencing public opinion in foreign countries; it is a government to people activity, thus, a significant “soft power” tool that can be used in order to promote the country abroad more effectively. Mr Alexandris also made special reference to the recent integration of the Press Counselors and Secretaries sector into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs structure, a reform capable of making a decisive contribution to promoting Greece abroad with one voice, something that was not obvious in the past years.

The seminar's program featured presentations by the following speakers:

• Zafeiris Rossides, Head of the Media Diplomacy Directorate
• Mary Vaxevanidou, Head of the International Communication Directorate of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Dimitrios Roukas, Head Physician- Psychiatrist at 417 Army Equity Fund Hospital-NIMTS

Mr Rossides’ presentation, titled “The origins of Public Diplomacy as a foreign policy tool” referred to PD as a new way of approaching foreign policy with Information acting as a “strategic equalizer” that can be transformed into a comparative advantage if managed wisely. Practically speaking, it involves the promotion of a positive image for one’s country abroad and building long-term relationships, not only through activities that address official actors, but mainly non-official ones, such as foreign citizens and non-governmental organizations, which –in combination with transparency and interactive communication– is what differentiates PD from traditional diplomacy.

Overall, PD is about communicating, on a government to people basis, a country’s ideas and ideals, its institutions and culture, as well as its national aspirations and current policies, aiming to influence attitudes or opinions of publics abroad, Mr Rossides underlined, before going on to give a brief historical background. More specifically, he noted that PD has its roots in the World War II period when the USA decided to launch an “ideological war” by creating the Office of Wartime Information (OWI) and the Voice of America with the aim to inform and have a cultural influence on a global scale. In the 1950’s, after the war was over, the staff and activities formerly carried out by OWI were transferred to the newly established agency “United States Information Agency (USIA), known overseas as the United States Information Service (USIS) aiming, among others, to diminish the influence of the Soviet Union in the Western World. For instance, examples of US PD in practice were commercial and cultural interchange programs such as the Fulbright Program. In 1999, the USIA’s staff and responsibilities were integrated into the Public Diplomacy Division of the State Department, concluded Mr Rossidis, who also referred to the case of Greek PD until the moment of its recent integration into the MFA, as well as its goals for the near future.

The floor was then given to Ms Vaxevanidou, whose presentation was titled “Public Diplomacy strategy, methodology and tools”. Ms Vaxevanidou opened her speech by analyzing the steps necessary in order to implement a strategic plan, pointing out –among others– the significance of having a mission statement, as it helps an organization define its purpose in the now and communicate it to its publics; that is why it has to be concise, clear and able to articulate what’s unique about the organization in order to build trust and rapport with an audience. Concerning strategic planning, Ms Vaxevanidou stressed the importance of situational analysis by using tools such as the SWOT analysis, which aims to identify the strengths and weaknesses internal to the organization and the opportunities and threats presented by the external environment; another tool that can be used is the PESTEL analysis, according to which each Greek Mission abroad and/or Public Diplomacy Office must conduct an external environment analysis on all levels: political (P), economic (E), social (S), technological (T), (E) environmental and (L) legal, before moving on to the next step which is to set long-term goals on what the organization intends to achieve, such as “promoting Greece as an investment place” which can then be put down to more specific and measurable objectives defining the strategies or implementation steps to attain the identified goals.  

The next step is to define the action plans for all objectives. Specifically, there are four dimensions of PD that can be formed into action plans: a) awareness (international broadcast, social media), b) appreciation (visit programs, campaigns), c) affinity (exchange programs, nation branding) and d) advocacy (collaborative programs, network initiatives). Last but not least, Ms Vaxevanidou pointed out that developing a PD Strategy is a complex and difficult task which requires deep knowledge and capabilities, as one has to deal with a foreign culture’s values that underlie behavior, which constitute the internal or subconscious part of the so-called “cultural iceberg”.

The seminar concluded with Mr Roukas’ presentation, titled “Psychological Dimensions of Public Diplomacy”, focusing on the role of psychological mechanisms and influence processes and the way they are involved in Greece’s efforts to persuade, inspire and ultimately achieve its goals through PD. Among others, he quoted Nye’s definition on PD (2005) according to which, holding a conversation with the public and achieving mutual understanding plays a pivotal role in reaching foreign policy goals.

Moreover, Mr Roukas stressed the importance of trust as it creates the context in which persuasion and influence can be used, while he also pointed out the importance of nonverbal communication for achieving messaging resonance. As far as negative message management strategies are concerned, he analyzed the processes of content and context reframing; to sum up, he referred to PD as a “battle of narratives” or a “battle for Hearts and Minds”, in which perception is reality; thus, one should not be so much preoccupied about how one will promote their activities but more about what they communicate.

See also: Sec Gen for Public Diplomacy, Religious and Consular Affairs Constantinos Alexandris on building the new image of Greece ; The practice of Greek Public Diplomacy and its contribution to the country’s image abroad

E.S.

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In his article for daily newspaper Kathimerini (24.06.2018, in Greek), business journalist Kostas Kallitsis provides a brief and to the point analysis on what the 22 June Eurogroup deal on debt relief means for Greece. Kallitsis argues that the deal makes it easier for Greece to repay its loans, and most imporantly, clears up a 10-year-long passage that’s free from the heavy burden of loan repayments, so that the country can pursue a dynamic economic growth. Furthermore, he posits that extreme reactions against the "very strict budgetary surveillance" and the "unsustainable 2.2% GDP primary surpluses" are ludicrous and irresponsible.

What does the Eurogroup decision provide? (a) That until 2033 we will not pay either interest or amortization for loans of € 100 billion received under the second financial program, while the repayment period is extended by 10 years; (b) With € 15 billion in fresh loans added to the € 6 billion accumulated, a cash buffer is created that is sufficient for all our financing needs until mid 2020, even if we do not access financial markets; (c) That we receive € 4.8 billion, in eight installments by June 2022, from profits made by Eurozone central banks on their Greek bond portfolios;  and (d) the elimination of the step-up interest rate charged on second bailout loans.

What does this decision mean? (a) With GDP growth and primary surpluses, we will be able to repay the loans. Repayment is our job, and the Eurogroup decision makes it easier for us to do so; (b) Cheap lending is over for us. With our cash buffer as a safety net until international firms upgrade us to investment grade (around the end of 2019) and then, with our credibility as the only guarantee, we will need to borrow from financial markets with tolerable interest rates; (c) Most importantly: A 10-year-long passage that’s free from the heavy burden of loan repayments (since the repayment of € 60 billion in loans from the third adjustment program will begin in 2034) to pursue a dynamic economic growth. This is the huge challenge.

I consider the opposition’s holy rage as regards the very strict budgetary surveillance ludicrous. Of course there will be supervision. Firstly, because we needed huge loans – in the order of € 250 billion, while Cyprus took about € 10 and Portugal € 78 billion; Secondly,  because we are the only country that shook its international credibility with those false figures in 2009 (persecuting in fact him the person who has been charged with restoring them, while honoring those who have falsified them), with the irresponsible rabble-rousing and divisive rhetoric of the following years, and with the obvious (still going) momentum towards clientelist policies. There will certainly be strict supervision, without the extremities of the Troika though. It’swelcome.

I also find those shouts and screams against the ‘unsustainable 2.2% GDP primary surpluses’ irresponsible. Obviously, it is difficult to combine primary surpluses (hence a relatively tight fiscal policy) with the pursuit of strong economic growth. It is also true that surplus amounts result from the conditions that (theoretically at least) apply to all Eurozone countries. My argument however is that we should be achieving relatively high surpluses even if we were not obliged by the Treaties, because if Greece does not reduce its debt, then over-indebtedness will eradicate its growth efforts.

Translation: Magda Hatzopoulou

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Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras was the keynote speaker at the "National Strategy for Administrative Reform 2017-2019" presentation on Wednesday 30th August, during an event organized by the ministry of Administrative Reform at the Benaki Museum in Athens. Ending patronage hiring and adopting digitizing services were at the core of the government's proposals to overhaul the Hellenic public sector and transform it to an independent, meritocratic and effective public administration by 2020.

"The reforms in administration will lay the foundations for a state that offers real service to its citizens; a state that will have nothing to do with what we have experienced so far and with what we know so far," he said. "[The habit of] viewing the state as loot and as a tool for clientelism continued for decades until the years of the crisis. The same view of the state [...] appears today in the form of the sly and allegedly liberal cries for the abolition of the constitutional protection of permanence in the public sector" he added. He cited the establishment of the Supreme Council for Civil Personnel Selection (ASEP), the National School of Public Administration and the Citizen Service Centres (KEP) as positive initiatives taken in the past. A further step will be to make Greece one of the first countries worldwide where the licensing procedure for new businesses is fully digitized, he said, and pledged to make all transactions with the state electronic by 2020.  

“We are addicted to doubt, it’s a reflex, when political leaderships announce a public sector reform,” said Administrative Reform Minister Olga Gerovassili, promising that by 2020 the Greek state sector will be independent and de-politicised.Tsipras also noted that the Minister of public administration, Olga Gerovassili will announce a new series of written exams in mid-2018 to employ graduates in the public sector and announced the government's measures against brain drain.

With information from ana-mpa and Reuters

E.A.

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Finance Minister Euclid Tsakalotos expressed the joint belief of all Eurogroup participants that an overall agreement on Greece - including both the release of the next loan tranche and the prospect of debt relief - is possible in the next three weeks, in comments following the conclusion of the meeting of  Eurozone’s  Finance ministers that took place in Brussels on Monday 22.05.

Euclid Tsakalotos noted the significant progress achieved so far, adding that there is widespread agreement that Greece has met its obligations in terms of implementing the prior actions policy package. "The representatives of the lenders and the member states of the Eurozone stressed the quality of our reform project", he said, and foresaw no obstacles in the formal conclusion of the second review. The minister noted that it was agreed to keep primary surpluses at 3.5% for four years beyond 2018, reiterating that there was agreement to further clarify the debt relief measures to be implemented after the successful conclusion of the Greek adjustment programme.

Tsakalotos stressed that negotiations over the debt were tough. The Greek government has met its obligations, he said, and now it is the turn of the International Monetary Fund and Eurozone member states to reach a compromise. This was not possible at this meeting, because, according to the Finance minister, negotiations began with greatly divergent positions, and despite attempts to close the gap there was a general sense that more work was necessary before an agreement could be reached.

Therefore, he added, it was decided to provide additional time in order to better define the debt relief measures, stressing that all sides were committed to reaching a compromise: “all parties believe this will be possible within the next three weeks, prior to the Eurogroup scheduled for June 15”.

Eurogroup President Jeroen Dijsselbloem also expressed his belief that conditions will be ripe for achieving a comprehensive agreement at the next Eurogroup on June 15, welcoming the progress achieved at a political level on the issue of Greece’s debt. “We are very close to an overall agreement, however that was not possible today,” he said during a joint press conference with European Economic and Monetary Affairs Commissioner Pierre Moscovici and the head of European Stability Mechanism (ESM) Klaus Regling. 

Finance Minister speech in Parliament on omnibus bill: "What we did was compromise"

Euclid Tsakalotos, in his speech during the Greek Parliament discussion (21.05) on the omnibus bill of measures agreed between the government and its creditors, assessed the preliminary agreement, estimating that in the seven-year period 2015 and 2021, the SYRIZA-ANEL governing coalition will have taken austerity measures worth 14.2 billion euros. As he said, "we have explained that the tax-free threshold as well as pensions will be reduced", stressing that the government did not agree with those measures, from an ideological or even financial point of view: "our position is clear. What we did was compromise, because it was known from the beginning of the memorandum that the IMF had to enter the programme and the IMF had this demand, in my opinion, using the wrong calculations and the faulty reasoning."

As far as the countermeasures are concerned, which include the Social Solidarity Income, doted with 850 million euros, the Finance minister recognized that they are aimed basically at helping the very poor and not at the middle classs (although some, like the housing allowance programme, cover middle incomes as well). "Middle classes have been disproportionately impacted by the austerity measures" admitted Tsakalotos, clarifying that this happened not only because absolute priority was given to the needier and the handling of the humanitarian crisis, but also because the government was focused on fighting corruption and tax-evasion, a front on which efforts have started bearing fruit.

Tsakalotos recognized that cutting down pensions negatively affects not only the pensioners, but also their children or even grand-children who often depend on these pensions as their only source of income. However, he stresses, in a functioning welfare state, the pensions are for the pensioners, and unemployment is dealt with via other government schemes. This is exactly what the government is trying to do now, he noted, with its programme for active employment policies.

As far was the overall economy is concerned, Tsakalotos said: “if you look at what macro data economists say, that is, the empirical evidence, things are pretty good. Industrial production rose by 8.7% in March, compared to the March of 2016. This is the sixth consecutive month with positive growth rates. And manufacturing has gone well. Retail sales have risen by 4.6% in the January-February period, compared to same period last year. Also, according to the data of the ministry of Labour, during the last four months, we have a net new job creation of 125,000. Many of these jobs, more than half, are not seasonal. We also have exports that grew in real terms by 6% in 2016."

The minister concluded asking: "Everything's alright then? No. What is wrong, what did not go well during the last quarter of '16 and the first quarter of '17, is investment, both public and private. But from what I understand, almost all of the market, all the funds, all investors have suspended their decisions until this second review is concluded and we enter the European Central Bank's quantitative easing (QE) program.”

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A two-day conference on "Inequalities and the world of work: What role for industrial relations and social dialogue?"  is taking place in Brussels (23-24.2.2017) to discuss key factors leading to rising inequalities in EU-Member States. The conference, organized by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the European Commission (EC) is going to investigate the possible role of social dialogue and social partners, and more generally of industrial relations, in reducing inequalities in the world of work. 

Alternate Labour Minister, Rania Antonopoulos, speaking to Athens-Macedonian News Agency about her participation in the conference, stressed that “we live in the era of great inequalities: inequalities in income, access to education and employment, social security". Antonopoulos, who will participate today (24.02) with other EU labour ministers at a round table on the 'political perspective of industrial relations and inequalities’, added that "inequality has exceeded sustainable levels, already affecting economies and threatening the cohesion of societies. It has been proven that some inequalities are associated with the mechanisms governing the workplace - from the level of wages and the type of labour relations to the constant professional education.

As the new ILO report to be presented at the conference demonstrates, labour market policies and the industrial relations systems underpinning collective bargaining have a key influence on the level of inequalities observed in EU Member States.  The report examines overall trends in Europe with specific chapters on Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, the Baltic States, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom.

According to the report’s chapter on Greece (Imposed Labour Market Flexibility and Growing Wage and Employment Inequalities under Austerity in Greece), written by professors Maria Karamessini and Stefanos Giakoumatos, social dialogue has fallen victim to the ‘structural labour market reforms’ that have been implemented since 2010, with the intention of decentralizing the collective bargaining system in order to promote wage flexibility. The end result of all reforms of collective bargaining and the abolition of social dialogue were destabilization and erosion, the dramatic fall in the coverage rate of employees by collective agreements, a great reduction in wages and the expansion in the share of employees enduring in-work poverty. These reforms have also played a crucial role in amplifying wage inequalities from 2012 onwards.

The chapter on Greece concludes that, after nine years of recession and seven years of austerity, it has become evident that wage devaluation is not a viable way out of the Greek Great Depression and that sustainable growth requires a new institutional set up that promotes productivity growth and investment in product and services quality. A multi-level social dialogue framework is part and parcel of this institutional set up. Collective bargaining is a fundamental right in democratic societies and a prerequisite for decent work and social cohesion. At the same time, collective agreements with a high coverage or applicability create a level playing field for companies that can invest in skills and retain experienced employees by paying decent wages without being undercut by competitors who are not covered by a collective agreement. This means that collective agreements are a prerequisite for both sustainable and equitable growth.

On the overall EU level, the report shows that in several European countries, the erosion of collective bargaining has led to an increased number of low-paid jobs and rising inequality among the workforce. Conversely, countries with more centralized or highly coordinated collective bargaining systems such as Sweden or Belgium have been successful at preventing the rise of low-paid or employment insecurity and the growth of inequalities.

“Countries with low income inequality tend to have strong social dialogue institutions, leading to a reduction of the gender pay gap and better working conditions for employees in non-standard forms of employment,” explains Daniel Vaughan-Whitehead, ILO Senior Economist, who edited the volume.  The minimum wage can also contribute to limiting wage inequality, but only if it is combined with effective collective bargaining, the report finds. For example, in Belgium and Ireland but also France and the Netherlands, the combination of a floor-setting minimum wage and a strong social dialogue framework has limited fragmentation in terms of pay and working conditions.

“The erosion of social dialogue in some countries is worrying and calls for a strong policy agenda. If we want to preserve economic growth and social cohesion, we must strengthen collective bargaining to curb inequalities,” concludes Heinz Koller, ILO Assistant Director-General and Regional Director for Europe and Central Asia. 

Read more: Independent Experts Report supports Greek positions on Labour Relations

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The Euro-Mediterranean Summit of Economic and Social Councils and Similar Institutions that took place on 24 and 25 October in Vravrona, near Athens, gathered together Economic and Social Councils, representatives of employers' organizations, trade unions and NGOs from more than 30 countries to discuss their role in addressing the specific challenges facing the Euro-Mediterranean region.

The Summit was organized by European Economic and Social Committee and the Greek Economic and Social Council with the aim to promote a greater understanding of the main issues affecting organized civil society in the Euro-Mediterranean region and to enhance interregional dialogue. This year, the Summit focused on the following topics: Promotion of legal migration; women participation in labour force and women's entrepreneurship; organized civil society and climate change in the view of the COP22 and the coordination of social protection systems.

"In order not to treat only the symptoms of the problems, it is essential for the cooperation between the EU and the southern Mediterranean countries to be based on a true collaboration, one of equals, which include organised civil society effectively" said Georges Dassis, EESC President in his introductory statement.

 "The role of social partners and councils in promoting the acquis communautaire is of paramount importance", declared Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras on opening the conference. The Prime Minister also underlined that Europe's cohesion will be judged by its ability to face with solidarity and effectiveness the three parallel crises unfolding right now; the economic crisis, refugee crisis and the external and internal security crisis,  adding that "a Europe à la carte, that some of our partners unfortunately support, in reality means 'non-Europe'". 

The meeting concluded with the adoption of a common Final Declaration, which underlines Euro-Mediterranean civil society’s commitment to the promotion of legal migration, social protection, the enhancement of women entrepreneurship and the inclusion of civil society organizations in the creation and implementation of politics on climate change and in the European neighborhood policy.

Specifically on the issue of social security and coordination of social security systems, the participants underline that the global economic crisis of recent years has made more urgent the need for social protection in times of economic uncertainty, low growth and growing inequalities. Furthermore they emphasise that in view of growing labour mobility, efforts and commitments in the area of social security coordination are required in order to safeguard the entitlements of migrant workers from southern Mediterranean countries who might work for a period of time in the EU and to protect EU nationals in their work outside the EU; highlight that the promotion of social protection together with inclusion and the fight against poverty are among the areas of action and objectives to be developed by the European Union within the framework of the ILO.

Greek Economic and Social Committee - Reforms needed to re-launch Greek competitiveness

Earlier this month (03.10) a conference organized by the Greek Economic and Social Committee (OKE) with the EU2020 Steering Committee -in collaboration with the EESC- titled “Reforms needed to re-launch the Greek competitiveness” took place in Athens. The conference, an initiative of the Greek ESC President George Vernicos, focused on  reinforcing the Europe 2020 strategy and giving civil society a stronger role in said strategy. The conference, which gathered together members of the EESC and OKE, alongside representatives from the government, the social partners and the civil society, provided a unique opportunity for consultation regarding the socioeconomic reforms that Greece needs to carry out: the need for a new business environment and the social aspects of competitiveness, with a focus on employment, social security and the status of social services.

The EESC president Georges Dassis stressed the importance of the social dialogue between the stakeholders, noting that it is paramount to find common ground in a number of priorities in order to further promote the ongoing reforms. Moreover, he stated that Europe 2020 is an essential tool for all the citizens but especially for the young people that needs to be re-launched and offer programs such as the vocational and professional training. Finally, president Dassis referred specifically to the initiatives taken by the EESC in response to the economic crisis, amongst them its Opinion on the mutualisation of public debt.

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