Ioannis Balabanidis is a researcher at the Centre for Political Research in the Department of Political Science and History at Panteion University; his main research interests concern comparative politics, political parties, europeanization, and historical sociology. Among others, he has published the books Eurocommunism: From Communist to Radical Left in Europe (Polis, 2015, and Routledge, 2018) and The ideas of progress and convervatism: Essay on politics in fluid times (Polis 2022; in Greek). He has translated Eric Hobsbawm´s seminal work “On nationalism” to Greek (Themelio, 2021) and serves on the editorial board of political science journal “Synchrona Themata”.

Ioannis Balabanidis spoke to Rethinking Greece* on Greek society's evolving views of the European project from the  late 1970s until now; how, despite the Eurosceptisism of the crisis years, Europe is still perceived by the majority of Greeks as a cornerstone of geopolitical, economic and democratic stability; on the cultural and economic distance between north and south Europe and how it can be bridged. Finally, he touched upon how the pandemic has brought to the fore a pan-European demand to strengthen public health systems and a new understanding of the common good, concluding that it is vital for the EU to respond to these new social demands. 

Greece became a member of the European Union (European Communites at the time) in 1981, without this choice gathering the consent of all political forces. Could we say that there are distinct phases in how Greek society viewed the European project?

We could attempt a periodization of the relationship of the Greeks with the European project, using what we know from the now rich literature, but also from primary sources, such surveys on public opinion and political culture, such as the Eurobarometer. Such a periodization, in its general lines, follows certain critical turning points of the Metapolitefsi period (i.e. the years after the fall of the military junta in 1974).

To summarize, we would say that in the first period of the transition to democracy, i.e. in the first years after 1974, Greece is a rather Eurosceptic country. There is a wider anti-Western sentiment, a key element in the social radicalism of the time, and not entirely unjustified as the imposition of the junta was partly blamed, for better or worse, on American intervention. It is no coincidence that in 1979, when the country's admission to the then EEC was being debated in the Parliament the parties that sided in favor of the European perspective were New Democracy, historically and geopolitically identified with the "camp" of the West, and, from the political forces of the Left, only the Eurocommunist party KKE interior- which had already developed a culture of Europeanism. Socialist PASOK and communist KKE are resisting, the former adopting the theory of the country's dependence on the Western capitalist center and therefore putting forward the demand for national independence, the latter as it is still in the shadow of Moscow. At the same time, however, with the wound of Cyprus still open and the young Third Hellenic Republic taking the first steps towards stabilization, "Europe" is perceived as a guarantee of geopolitical stability and consolidation of the democratic acquis.

When PASOK comes to power, it quickly normalizes its relationship (and the relationship of a large part of Greek society) with the EEC (European Economic Community). As the resources start flowing into the country from the EEC and aid "packages" such as the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes begin to become apparent, we begin to understand "Europe" as a horizon of prosperity, especially in the 1990s. Greece becomes one of the most pro-European societies in Europe, although in the 1990s a limited Euroscepticism, less leftist and more ethnocentric, of the New Far Right begins to emerge.

With the outbreak of the crisis in 2010-2011, for the first time in decades, this "utilitarian" perception of Europe as a guarantee of sustainable development and prosperity is shaken. However, our belonging to the European family was ultimately not seriously questioned, neither at the social level nor at the political level, despite widespread Euroscepticism.

In his recent interview for Rethinking Greece, Professor Yannis Voulgaris said that "the reaffirmation of the country’s European orientation was the ‘conclusion’ reached by the vast majority of citizens that experienced the crisis". Do you agree? What is the meaning of "Europe" today for the Greeks?

So it is. During the crisis, Greek men and women wanted at some point to raise their "voice" in protest against the severe austerity program imposed by our partners in exchange for the financial rescue - let's not forget that Greece suffered the heaviest form of crisis, losing about 25% of its GDP within a few years, a situation comparable to the crisis of 1929, and not at all comparable to the crisis of Portugal, Ireland or Spain.

This was a key parameter of the so-called "anti-memorandum" block, i.e. the social forces reacting to austerity, which of course was impressively expressed by the sweeping victory of ‘NO’ in the 2015 referendum. The political forces that tried to express the dynamics against austerity, New Democracy initially and then SYRIZA, adopted an ambiguous political rhetoric where criticism of the EU coexisted with a desire to "re-found" it. This is what in political science we call "soft Euroscepticism": skepticism about the policies being implemented, but without a desire for a radical break.

If one investigates what the "idea of Europe" meant for the Greeks at that time, e.g. through the indicators of the Eurobarometer, they will find that under the overtones of contention ("Greece did not benefit from joining the EU", "our voice is not heard in Europe"), there was consistently a clear social majority that highly prioritized the euro, that is, our belonging to the hard core of European monetary integration. The image of Europe as a horizon of prosperity may have been seriously, and justifiably, shaken up, and it has not yet been restored, but at the same time it has continued to be perceived as a cornerstone of geopolitical, economic and democratic security and stability. As we gradually emerge from the crisis, our idea of Europe begins to acquire other, old as well as new contents: freedom, democracy, rights.

If this is so, and I think that this is indeed the big picture, we could say that through the serious contention of the "utilitarian" perception of Europe, our belonging to this political and cultural space was confirmed. Which of course should remind us that the meaning of Europe is not given once and for all, but is transformed at every historical turn. 

Demonstrations during the years of the crisis | left: London demonstration in solidarity to Greece, February 2015; right: Athens, "Remain in Europe" demonstration, July 2015

I think that the parameters of economic security, if not prosperity, but also of geopolitical-democratic stability, are fundamental and common among the countries of the European "periphery". In this regard, there is no Greek "exception," as we often thought during the crisis, but we are converging with many European societies, even much more developed ones, such as Italy and Spain.

On the other hand, there is a persistent feeling that we are "outsiders", that on many levels there is an unmitigated distance between us the hard core of "Europe", both economically and culturally. This is also manifested at the political level, where the countries of the "periphery" consider that they are not "heard" as much as they should, or as much as they would like, in the collective bodies of Europe - the harshness with which fiscal adjustment measures were imposed but also the "orientalist" representations of Greece in much of central and northern Europe during the crisis (the rhetoric about “lazy Greeks”) are indicative of this distance that is always latent and at times openly expressed.

Hence, in my opinion, a possible "cure" for this distance could only be a strong European reformism. In the sense of the continuous formation and expansion of common policies – such as on redistribution, taxation or labor policy, for example. Of course, this presupposes a dynamic of deepening the political part of the European project, in a direction of federalization. Which would be a politically and culturally difficult operation, but possibly the only realistic one.

In your opinion, have the recent pandemic crisis and Russia's invasion of Ukraine strengthened the political and social character of the EU?

Here the answer I think would be: yes and no. Historically, Europe deepens as a union through its crises. At the same time, it responds to crises slowly and often in an unsatisfactory way – after all, it is a "heavy" organization, which presupposes the convergence of 27 different countries, 27 different societies, with different and not infrequently conflicting aspirations and interests.

The COVID pandemic, and secondarily perhaps the invasion of the Ukraine, are junctures inscribed in a continuum of crises (or a perma-crisis, according to the apt neologism), where the EU shows an ability to adapt to the contingencies and upheavals of history. The EU "boat" is rocked but it does not sink. It may be slow, but eventually it comes up with common political solutions. Of course, the component of not unified, national management of these crises is equally present. During the pandemic e.g. individual countries took similar measures, but in different ways and at different times. However, on the other hand, the EU's decisive intervention on the vaccine issue, for example, has shown its ability to act decisively, thereby ensuring the public health security of our societies in an unprecedented public health crisis.

This national-supranational "tango" will inevitably follow us for a long time. But as long as Europe continues to react and adapt to its crises in a relatively satisfactory way, the political core of the unification project will stay alive. As long as this aim aligns with the political "demand" of EU societies. For example, the pandemic has highlighted a pan-European demand to strengthen public health systems, a renewed understanding of the "common good". Will the EU be able to respond to these new demands, possibly questioning is previous policy "paths"? This, I think, is one of the EU´s highest stakes of the coming years.

 

 * Interview to Kostas Mavroidis and Ioulia Livaditi; Translation: Ioulia Livaditi

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In an international environment, where cities focus their efforts on becoming key actors, city diplomacy is increasingly becoming more relevant. New technologies foster the creation of active city networks in order to address common challenges and achieve mutual goals. Global challenges, such as climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic can be effectively tackled at local level as well, and the debate on the role of cities in a multilateral environment is becoming central.

In this context, the 2nd Public Diplomacy Talks (2021) that took place on Wednesday, June 16th, focused on “City Diplomacy: Creating Global Networks” and was organized by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for Greeks Abroad, Konstantinos Vlasis, and the Secretary-General for Greeks Abroad and Public Diplomacy, John Chrysoulakis. The “Public Diplomacy Talks (PD Talks)” constitute an annual Forum inaugurated in 2020 by the General Secretariat for Greeks Abroad and Public Diplomacy of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in order to provide a platform for a vibrant and fruitful exchange of views and best practices on Public Diplomacy.

Opening remarks by the organizers

“Public Diplomacy constitutes the third pillar of Greece’s foreign policy and plays a key role in our diplomatic imprint. During the last two years, the Greek Government has managed to tackle effectively a series of challenges, with Covid-19 being the most recent. Due to the pandemic, it has become evident that, in an interconnected world, collaboration and partnerships are necessary in order to overcome global challenges”, said Konstantinos Vlasis, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for Greeks Abroad, greeting the event and stressing its timeliness.

“The 19th century was the century of empires, the 20th century the century of nation-states, and the 21st century will be that of cities”, John Chrysoulakis, Secretary-General for Greeks Abroad and Public Diplomacy, underlined in his greeting, quoting Wellington Webb, former Mayor of Denver.  

First part

In the first part of the discussion, Dr Lorenzo Kihlgren Grandi, co-founder and chair of Urban Flag and a lecturer in City Diplomacy at Sciences Po Paris, École Polytechnique, and Columbia University, Ms Sohaela Amiri, researcher at the University of Southern California, and Dr Antonios Karvounis, Head of the Interministerial Committee for the International Partnerships of Local Government, focused on the new globalized role of the cities with examples from Greece and abroad. The discussion was moderated by Ms Nektaria Stamouli, foreign affairs reporter at Athens News Agency and regional correspondent for Politico who posed questions to the speakers regarding the function and best practices of City Diplomacy, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, as well as the relationship between local authorities and central government.

Dr. Lorenzo Kihlgren Grandi

It is true that we live in the century of cities, Dr Lorenzo Kihlgren Grandi noted in his introductory remarks, because cities are demonstrating a powerful ability to act internationally and establish a series of relationships with other international actors.

Taking Paris and Rome as a study case, he went on to underline that three basic elements determine the success of city diplomacy:

1. When mayors identify city diplomacy as a priority
2. Human resources: the need for experienced personnel that combine diplomatic skills with thorough knowledge of the cities and their legal limitations
3. Shared knowledge of what public diplomacy does; clear communication that encourages citizens to participate

Dr Grandi commented that, historically, a system that reports the impact of city diplomacy has been lacking and many programmes were intricately connected with the mayor. City networks such as the C40 or intercultural cities have added a series of indicators that assess the progress made by the cities in the global goal that these networks have been pursuing. The same goes for international projects. Especially when these projects are financed with EU money, there is a need to assess their impact.

Referring to the pandemic, Dr Grandi noted that it was an example of an urban crisis with 90% of Covid cases registered in cities with many consequences. The coronavirus crisis suspended many city diplomacy initiatives, but at the same time, many cities reacted in a very inspiring way. They used technology to connect with each other. Cities that were first hit shared their experience with others and helped them adapt. There were also examples of concrete solidarity, e.g. the money donation the city of Frankfurt made to the city of Milan that was heavily hit by Covid.

Developmental aid, which is also a big component of city diplomacy, was offered by cities such as Paris or Barcelona in the middle of the pandemic when they decided to financially support cities in developing countries that had fewer means to respond to the crisis either in terms of communication or protective materials. In these cases, the impact of city diplomacy became very concrete, Dr Grandi noted.

The collaboration between local authorities with the central government is always a tricky issue. Opposing government policies give a Mayor national or even international visibility. A famous example was the Coalition of Mayors fighting climate change in the USA while the Trump Government was retiring from various international agreements. Huge visibility also comes with certain types of endorsement, as was the case with the French presidential endorsement of the Mayors coalition, but such incidents are extraordinary. City diplomacy is not to be intended as an opposition; it is best exercised at a multi-level approach, in coordination with different levels of government, national and regional and citizens. Strong alignment becomes increasingly more important in order to face challenges such as migration and climate change, concluded Dr Grandi.

Sohaela Amiri

Amiri identified the five key functions of City Diplomacy in the USA:

2- Diplomatic Representation and Protocol 

3- International Exchanges, Cultural Ties, and Aid 

4- Civic Engagement and Education

5- Policy Collaboration, Advocacy, and Action

Amiri added that the most tangible outputs of city diplomacy are trade and any kind of materials and services that are exchanged. Another is policy change (f.e. e.g. regarding climate change, migration etc). Covid-19 and the aid offered by twinned towns was a very clear example of city diplomacy impact that actually saved lives.

Covid-19 caused many offices that worked on city diplomacy to close or reduce personnel, posing issues of sustainability for city diplomacy practice. Many city diplomacy offices in the USA house diplomatic missions or consular services. The help of the city diplomacy officers in maintaining communication with Consulates of other countries and the Diaspora during the pandemic was of crucial importance, Amiri stressed.

Dr. Antonios Karvounis

Focusing on the Greek case, Dr Karvounis referred to the General Principles of International Partnerships of Local Government as the criteria for successful partnerships.

Dr Karvounis, who is Head of the Interministerial Committee for the International Partnerships of Local Government in the Ministry of the Interior, underlined that trust, coordination and communication between municipalities and central Government is always necessary for efficient city diplomacy in Greece.

He added that the most popular forms of City Diplomacy are the participation in European Programmes and of course town twinnings, which date since the end of WWII in Greece. Cyprus and Italy are the cities with most town twinnings, while the main policy domain for a town twinning is culture.

Dr Karvounis also referred to best practices, mentioning Shanghai sending 20.000 masks to its twinned Municipality of Piraeus during the pandemic. Another best practices instance was the City network “Q-Cities” set up in Amarousion in 2008, which promoted quality and innovations in local government; it consisted of 12 cities and has been very successful. He concluded that best practices should engage locals and take the local opinion into account.

Dr Karvounis continued with the impact indicators of City Diplomacy which are useful in measuring the success of a policy process: administrative organisation, cognitive modernisation (good practices exchanges and capacity building), financial viability and political lobbying (city branding).

According to Dr Karvounis, the Covid-19 pandemic showed the limits of cities’ capabilities to coordinate procurement among themselves. In most cases, the coronavirus crisis highlighted globally the city dependency on the State. In Greece, many cities exhibited solidarity with many sister cities abroad, the pandemic however still made the limits of city diplomacy evident, as well as the need of Municipalities to reorganise themselves, he concluded.

Second part

During a discussion between Greek and foreign Mayors about cooperation and expectations as regards City Diplomacy, the Mayor of Athens, Kostas Bakoyannis, and the Mayor of Porto, Rui Moreira, underlined at first what both cities have in common, mentioning the UNESCO Heritage Sites and the fact that both Athens and Porto came out stronger from a severe financial crisis. Both Mayors agreed that city diplomacy was affected by the pandemic, noting however that their cities did well to the surprise of many, proving that Southern Europe can handle the uncertainty in a better way showing more flexibility.

Regarding the image of their cities, Bakoyannis and Moreira agreed that both Athens and Porto showed the rest of the world that they are not only cities with gastronomy, sun and tourism, but they are also cities that can deliver professional services guaranteeing the safety, the security and the public health of citizens and visitors. As the Mayors said, “they are cities that people can live, work and invest”.

When it comes to the relationship between the city and national diplomacy, Bakoyannis and Moreira underlined that they have no antagonistic relationship with their national governments and that they do not try to replace them. In this context, city diplomacy is about building links and alliances with other cities and in many cases cities share a common agenda aiming to become inclusive, healthy, fair, sustainable & resilient. What is more, local authorities are called to find solutions to real problems and, as Mayor Bakoyannis explained, cities are working bottom-up, encouraging transparency and dialogue. That is why Athens is a vibrant and dynamic city, as he said. Mayor Moreira added that Porto concentrates on civic authority like in Ancient Athens, repeating that cities are closer to the people.

Referring to immigration issues and to newcomers, Mayor Moreira said that cities are more attractive, adding that the increased demand creates pressure. What is important with city diplomacy, Mayor Moreira explained, is that it helps cities to share their concerns for integration policies and for avoiding the pressure from extreme voices, promoting social awareness and social cohesion.

When asked by the moderator Nektaria Stamouli about their future plans, Mayor Moreira explained that he will continue to work with OECD in the Organization’s “Champion Mayors for Inclusive Growth Initiative”, while he will encourage the creation of contacts and synergies between universities of Porto and other universities, as foreign students comprise the biggest part of Porto’s foreign visitors. Mayor Bakoyannis said that he will continue to encourage educational and cultural exchanges between Porto and Athens, while he aims to work more on Athens branding, concluding that all these actions should be translated into real changes to citizen’s everyday life.

Moses Elisaf, Mayor of Ioannina, Greece, and Israel Gal, Mayor of Kiryat Ono, Israel, during their discussion referred to the common characteristics their cities share, such as the potential for growth and development, but most importantly, what connects the two cities is the Jewish community of Ioannina. As Mayor Elisaf explained, Ioannina was and still is the centre of the Romaniotes -the Greek-speaking Jewish community that’s the oldest Jewish community in Europe and one of the oldest Jewish communities in existence- adding that for this reason the city is visited by many Jews from Israel. He also underlined that many Jews of Romaniote origin from Ioannina live in Israel and particularly in Kiryat Ono. Mayor Gal also revealed that cooperation between the two cities was vividly proposed by citizens of Kiryat Ono that visited Ioannina and fell in love with the city.

Mayor Elisaf also referred to the rich multicultural background of Ioannina, emphasizing the remarkable variety of the religious monuments of the city from the Byzantine churches, to Ottoman mosques and Jewish synagogues. As Elisaf said, the citizens of Ioannina and Kiryat Ono responded positively to the cooperation between their cities.

Asked by the moderator Nektaria Stamouli about the role of city diplomacy regarding anti-Semitism, Mayor Gal stressed that cooperation and networking between cities can certainly help to put an end to antagonism among peoples and combating anti-Semitism. Mayor Elisaf underlined the decisive role of city diplomacy in tackling prejudices, noting that anti-Semitism is not widely observed in Greece or Ioannina, adding that city diplomacy is a strong mode of communication between nations that is even able to overcome problems created by national policies.

Both Mayors also emphasized the importance of local authorities to the daily lives of citizens as they are in direct contact with them, stressing that local societies can play a decisive role in tackling global challenges such as climate change, pandemic consequences and migration.

Watch the full video of PDTalks 2021 event here:

F. K. – I.E.

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In Greece, November 17 is the anniversary of the Athens Polytechnic Uprising, a student-led demonstration against the military dictatorship (also known as “junta” or the “Regime of the Colonels”) that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. The military coup of 1967 resulted in a long period of fear, distrust, and encroachment of personal and political rights. By the first years of the 1970s, the dictatorship had succeeded in stabilizing its position; it used violence and persecutions to suppress the action of opposition organizations and had managed to actually isolate the former politicians.

Nevertheless, it was quite difficult to define its future course. Resistance to the military regime came in various forms, in several high-profile individual actions as well as in underground resistance group acts. It came from inside Greece as well as from abroad, through the nation’s active Diaspora, and the solidarity groups that flourished around the world, demanding the restoration of Democracy in the country of its birth.

“Everyone has been taught and knows by now that in the case of dictatorial regimes the beginning may seem easy, but tragedy awaits, inevitably, in the end. The drama of this ending torments us, consciously or unconsciously — as in the immemorial choruses of Aeschylus. The longer the anomaly remains, the more the evil grows […] This anomaly must stop. It is a national imperative.”

George Seferis’ statement on the BBC World Service | March 28, 1969

Given the fact that a violent overthrow of the dictatorship was not very probable, despite certain individual resistance activities, the prospective “controlled liberalization” of the regime was the aim of the revolutionary government members and of political personalities. Under these circumstances, students constituted the only social environment, where mass anti-dictatorial movements took place. More specifically, the leading manifestation of resistance was the uprising at the National Technical University of Athens (widely known as Polytechnic School) in November 1973, in a period that the regime intensified its efforts of liberalization.

Starting November 15, 1973 thousands of students occupied the Polytechnic School and transmitted a message of resistance against the military junta, through the legendary radio station they had set up. Their main demand-slogan was “Bread- Education- Liberty”. In the early hours of November 17, the Regime sent a tank to crash through the Polytechnic University gates; reports indicate that at least 24 civilians were killed, while dozens more were injured. Despite this tragic epilogue, the uprising triggered a series of events that brought the Regime of the Colonels – this “anomaly” in Seferis’ words- to an end on July 24, 1974. Thus, it became a nationwide outcry against the Dictatorship, a source of inspiration for freedom, and a point of reference for Modern Greek history.

In a brief statement to the press during today’s low-key ceremony that was attended only by a handful of officials due to health concerns amid the Covid-19 pandemic, President of the Hellenic Republic, Katerina Sakellaropoulou hailed the deadly uprising as an “ultimate act of  resistance” and a “symbol of political freedom and self-determination”, adding that the 1973 events “teach us that democracy demands virtue and sacrifices while reminding us that young people are the most vital cell of our society.”

For further info:

Watch documentaries: “Memories and Testimonies: The Long Night of Dictatorship” by Yannis Xirouhakis; “Greece: The Seven Black Years” by Mischa Scorer (BBC)

Read also on Greek News Agenda: Military Dictatorship (1967-1974) in retrospect: New historical approaches; Military Dictatorship (1967-1974) in retrospect: The Greek visual arts scene; 24 July 2019: 45 years since the Restoration of Democracy; Historian Stathis Pavlopoulos on "Metapolitefsi.com" platform by ASKI

E.S.

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A pan-european hackathon -the #EUvsVirus- was organized online from April 24 to 26, in order to connect civil society, designers, innovators and partners across Europe with the aim to promote innovative digital solutions to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic. #EUvsVirus got together over 20,900 participants from across the EU and beyond while over 2,150 solutions were submitted in areas including health and life, business continuity, remote working and education, social and political cohesion, digital finance etc. Participants demonstrated unity and shared their skills and ideas for the common good across borders during this collective challenge.

Greece, ranking 8th in terms of participation, dynamically joined the hackathon with over 600 participants submitting their proposals through 150 groups. Greek submissions cover a wide range of projects from microfluidic devices for rapid and accurate COVID-19 detection and mobile applications monitoring pre and post-hospitalization to smart screening tools for risk assessment models and online platforms for discovering and matching needed resources.

#GreeceVsVirus, was the national participation co-ordinated by the Ministry of Digital Governance, through two initiatives already launched in Greece in early April with the support of the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Development & Investment.

The first initiative #COVIDhackGR is aimed at highlighting innovative ideas and proposals it is addressed to businesses, start-ups and research teams, health and informatics researchers, technology executives, and all persons wishing to contribute to the implementation of the proposals. The initiative is supported by the country's most important research and academic institutions and collective health and technology bodies.

The second initiative aims to promote the rapid implementation of mature digital solutions with the potential for immediate completion through the use of existing production facilities directly supporting the National Health System. It is worth reminding that Greece since the outbreak of the pandemic acted very quickly in developing digital tools so as to eliminate red tape in an effort to tackle COVID-19.

Greek participation to the EU hackathon also included the Antivirus crowdhackathon an initiative aimed at tackling the COVID-19 pandemic, held by the Region of Attica with the technological and operational support of Crowdpolicy. The Antivirus crowdhackathon is a remote innovation marathon, repeated in cycles, on the development of digital applications and methodologies for the economy and society struggling to address the consequences of the pandemic. The Antivirus crowdhackathon that had also the role of national curator in the #EUvsVirus, is evolving into an ongoing network of technological innovation that will operate continuously throughout the pandemic with the help of collaborative tools.

The EU organised this hackathon in close cooperation with EU member States allowing the participation of third countries, too. The aim was to mobilise innovative communities from all over the globe developing digital solutions against COVID-19 and promoting at the same time youth entrepreneurship. The event, which involved over 380 volunteers, 2,400 mentors and over 800 partners, brought together people of 141 different nationalities, as well as different areas of expertise and backgrounds.

The hackathon offered a common organizational and technical framework in which the participants got involved online and developed working prototypes and innovative solutions e.g. high tech, low tech, hardware, software, using biotech, digital tech, societal science and other innovation domains. Participants had also the opportunity to follow seminars on business models, marketing models and good practices via teleconferencing.

“Winning” solutions will receive cash prizes of over €100,000 in total and winners will be invited to join a Matchathon that will take place from 22 to 25 May on the new European Innovation Council COVID Platform. This online event will facilitate match-making with end-users, such as hospitals, and provide access to investors, corporates, foundations and other funding opportunities from across the EU. Greek teams were partners in 6 award winning projects developed in partnership with other countries, while a Greek project was also selected.

The National Documentation Centre (EKT) in its role as National Contact Point for Horizon 2020, as co-ordinator of the Enterprise Europe Network - Hellas consortium and as the Greek hub of EIT Health -the initiative of the European Institute of Innovation & Technology- supported the EU hackathon. EKT has also set up a website offering valid information for the research community and anyone interested in the development of scientific research to combat the pandemic and is also providing ongoing support for businesses, individuals and organisations.

Read also via GNA: Digitalization of the public administration accelerated in Greece due to the coronavirus

IE

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An electronic platform unifying all public sector digital services was recently launched in Greece due to the coronavirus pandemic. The digital transformation of the public administration is an on-going project, it had though to be accelerated so as to facilitate citizen’s access to public services, especially after the imposition of movement restrictions in the country.

The portal Gov.gr was activated by the Ministry of Digital Governance in an attempt to gather all the available digital services of the Greek public sector into a unified electronic platform avoiding unnecessary red-tape, bureaucratic delays etc. Citizens will only have to register using their “Taxisnet” tax system credentials in order to identify themselves with safety and will be able to carry out official transactions with public administration through digital signing service. Documents and procedures followed through Gov.gr will be accepted and recognized by all public administration departments.

Offering over 500 digital services already provided by 14 ministries, 32 organizations and 3 independent authorities Gov.gr aims to become, in the near future, the central point for all public sector digital services, as new ones are being added. The existing services that are available through Gov.gr concern the following domains:

- Agriculture and livestock (procedures, subsidies and allowances for agricultural, livestock or fishing activity)
- Justice (judicial services, issue of documents)
- Education (Procedures for enrollment and attendance at all levels of education)
- Entrepreneurial activity (services to start and grow a business)
- Work and insurance (tools and services for your job search, insurance and retirement)
- Family (procedures and issue of documents about life events)
- Property and taxation (instructions and services about property and taxation management)
- Citizens’ everyday life (services concerning solemn declarations, authorizations, fees payments as well as services addressed to third-country nationals)
- Culture, sport and tourism (e-libraries, scientific databases etc)
- Military service (conscription issues, military academies etc)
- Health and welfare (Public health and food safety procedures, e-prescription and hospital services)

Gov.gr also provides useful information concerning psychological support or instructions related to the coronavirus pandemic addressed to the public, to families with young children or teenagers at home, to travelers and businesses such as hotels, to healthcare practitioners, to patients and pregnant women etc. The platform also aims to include teleconsultation services for citizens with coronavirus symptoms so as to be monitored by a certified doctor of the Ministry of Health.

Public administration’s digitalization also concerns the possibility of teleconferences, a significant tool for teleworking in the coronavirus Era. The Ministry of Digital Governance has the supervision of a teleconference infrastructure, the “e-Presence.gov.gr”, provided by the GRNET- National Infrastructures for Research and Technology, the advanced network, cloud and IT e-Infrastructure and services provider for the Greek Educational, Academic and Research community. The service enables Greek government agencies to organize and conduct web conferencing characterized by high security, quality, and interaction, while a cabinet meeting concerning the coronavirus was held via this teleconference system in March. Since the launch of the service in March 16 over 3,200 teleconferences with the participation of more than 5,100 users have been conducted.

DigitalSolidarityGR

DigitalSolidarityGR is another initiative of the Ministry of Digital Governance launched as a result of the coronavirus, aiming to help citizens find access to the necessary digital tools provided for free or at low cost from private or public institutions, concerning distance learning, teleworking and entertainment. The goal of this initiative is for all citizens to be able to work remotely through the free use of advanced and smart teleworking platforms, to read newspapers, magazines and books for free on their tablet or mobile phone or to attend school / university classes through e-learning platforms. Until now over 130 services are provided to the citizens through DigitalSolidarityGR.

I.E. 

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Schools and Universities in Greece have been closed since March 11 due to the coronavirus pandemic as part of the government’s measures to prevent the spread of the disease. The Ministry of Education promptly responded to this emergency developing and gradually implementing distance learning, offering students the opportunity to keep in touch with the educational process. Without intending to replace face to face learning the Ministry is activating digital platforms and tools offered for free by ICT providers, addressed to the secondary and primary school students, as well as to Greek Universities.

The Ministry’s distance learning program includes synchronous learning that is online or distance education that happens in real time and asynchronous learning that occurs through online channels without real-time interaction. Synchronous learning will be at first offered to students in the last year of secondary education who are preparing for their university entry exams “Panellinies”, before being applied to the rest of secondary and primary schools. The educational program will be developed by the principal and the teachers of each school unit in accordance with the specific needs of every class. During the synchronous learning the teacher can share files, presentations even his screen and notes with his students, while he can give them the floor to pose questions or just speak, participating thus in an interactive lesson.

Concerning the asynchronous learning, students and teachers can use the existing digital tools and platforms already offered by the Ministry of Education such as the Interactive School Books, the Digital Educational Material (“Fotodentro”) and the Advanced Electronic Scenarios (“Aesop”) organized by educational level, course etc. E-learning videos will also be uploaded to the platforms so as the students can follow the e-courses any time of the day.

Distance learning will be mainly available through registration to the National School Network. So far, 631.269 student accounts have been created all over Greece and registration is open until March 30. The digital platforms “e-class” and “e-me” will be used for e-learning courses, while students will have the opportunity to follow “Open Classes” posted in the platforms by their teachers without prior registration. The IT companies CISCO, Google and Microsoft have offered for free three digital platforms to the Ministry of Education and the Greek Universities aiming to cover the increased needs in distance learning under these exceptional circumstances. Greek Universities already possess e-learning education programs and they can more easily start to offer online courses to their students.

Taking into consideration possible technological constraints in accessing the digital platforms, the Ministry of Education has foreseen the possibility of connecting to the digital classes through a simple telephone connection. Special ICT applications and learning techniques will be also used, where possible, in order to adapt digital classes to the students with disabilities and/or special needs.

The launching of the above distance learning project, in such an emergent situation, is a good example of the potential of public and private sector synergies taking into consideration the complexity of the project and the time constraint. The school community in Greece has embraced this effort showing remarkable engagement to the demanding project of e-learning under these exceptional circumstances.

Images taken from the Ministry of Education website and FB page.

I.E. 

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In his article for daily newspaper Kathimerini (24.06.2018, in Greek), business journalist Kostas Kallitsis provides a brief and to the point analysis on what the 22 June Eurogroup deal on debt relief means for Greece. Kallitsis argues that the deal makes it easier for Greece to repay its loans, and most imporantly, clears up a 10-year-long passage that’s free from the heavy burden of loan repayments, so that the country can pursue a dynamic economic growth. Furthermore, he posits that extreme reactions against the "very strict budgetary surveillance" and the "unsustainable 2.2% GDP primary surpluses" are ludicrous and irresponsible.

What does the Eurogroup decision provide? (a) That until 2033 we will not pay either interest or amortization for loans of € 100 billion received under the second financial program, while the repayment period is extended by 10 years; (b) With € 15 billion in fresh loans added to the € 6 billion accumulated, a cash buffer is created that is sufficient for all our financing needs until mid 2020, even if we do not access financial markets; (c) That we receive € 4.8 billion, in eight installments by June 2022, from profits made by Eurozone central banks on their Greek bond portfolios;  and (d) the elimination of the step-up interest rate charged on second bailout loans.

What does this decision mean? (a) With GDP growth and primary surpluses, we will be able to repay the loans. Repayment is our job, and the Eurogroup decision makes it easier for us to do so; (b) Cheap lending is over for us. With our cash buffer as a safety net until international firms upgrade us to investment grade (around the end of 2019) and then, with our credibility as the only guarantee, we will need to borrow from financial markets with tolerable interest rates; (c) Most importantly: A 10-year-long passage that’s free from the heavy burden of loan repayments (since the repayment of € 60 billion in loans from the third adjustment program will begin in 2034) to pursue a dynamic economic growth. This is the huge challenge.

I consider the opposition’s holy rage as regards the very strict budgetary surveillance ludicrous. Of course there will be supervision. Firstly, because we needed huge loans – in the order of € 250 billion, while Cyprus took about € 10 and Portugal € 78 billion; Secondly,  because we are the only country that shook its international credibility with those false figures in 2009 (persecuting in fact him the person who has been charged with restoring them, while honoring those who have falsified them), with the irresponsible rabble-rousing and divisive rhetoric of the following years, and with the obvious (still going) momentum towards clientelist policies. There will certainly be strict supervision, without the extremities of the Troika though. It’swelcome.

I also find those shouts and screams against the ‘unsustainable 2.2% GDP primary surpluses’ irresponsible. Obviously, it is difficult to combine primary surpluses (hence a relatively tight fiscal policy) with the pursuit of strong economic growth. It is also true that surplus amounts result from the conditions that (theoretically at least) apply to all Eurozone countries. My argument however is that we should be achieving relatively high surpluses even if we were not obliged by the Treaties, because if Greece does not reduce its debt, then over-indebtedness will eradicate its growth efforts.

Translation: Magda Hatzopoulou

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The Ministry of Digital Policy, Telecommunications and Information, and specifically, the General Secretariat for Information and Communication has taken the initiative to print an original book that gathers 75 interviews of influential personalities, initially published online between 2012 and 2016 on our French-speaking platform GrèceHebdo.

In 2012, Greece had, for quite some time, been a major topic of discussion around the world. In the midst of a full-blown crisis, on the brink of bankruptcy, Greece provoked curiosity, anger, severe criticism, but also solidarity and understanding. The debate on the country was -and still remains- open, ambiguous and exposed to the most diverse analyses from all over the world. Assessments were abound and derogatory terms were present alongside demonstrations of friendship and support.

It was at this very moment, in July 2012, that GrèceHebdo, as an online platform of the General Secretariat for Media and Communication begun a series of interviews where influential people talk about Greece from different points of view, demonstrating that Greece cannot be reduced to an alarming reality; it invades the European, and even global, imaginary from many angles, through its history and culture. This is clearly reflected at the moment when, at the European summit of July 13, 2015, Greece's exit from the Eurozone becomes very likely. The country finds itself in the eye of a media storm and a necessary connection is made between Greece and the cultural heritage of all Europe, fueling a new philhellenism.

GrèceHebdo’s interviewees are politicians, writers, philosophers, filmmakers, comedians, poets, diplomats, refugees, historians, sociologists, editors, and more. They are talking about Greece in French; together we are discovering how Francophones from all over the world see Greece, but also how Greeks see themselves and their country.

Former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, seminal French philosophers Alain Badiou and Etienne Balibar, photographer Yannis Behrakis, authors Vassilis Alexakis and Petros Markaris, poets Yannis Stiggas and Salah Stétié, and poet and publishing director Sotiris Selavis, are some of the 75 personalities interviewed. 

So far, we have 75 interviews that contribute to a much-needed nuanced dialogue, helping us decipher the complicated present and the plurality of Greek identity over time. A multiple Greece is emerging, often unrecognized, confounding, intense, seductive, far from tourist clichés and saturated symbols. And our adventure continues!

Starting from October 2015, the Secretariat General for Information & Communication (Γενική Γραμματεία Ενημέρωσης & Επικοινωνίας) has upgraded its six foreign language websites -namely Greek News Agenda, GrèceHebdo, Panorama Griego, Punto Grecia, GR_Aktuelland Greek Arab News- which offer daily briefs on news, opinion/analysis pieces and articles on political, economic, social and cultural developments related to Greece, as well as bigger features and interviews.

Interviews with people active in the fields of politics, art, science and society are an important part  for all the websites. Through these interviews the Secretariat General for Media & Communication aims to present ca ollection of different perspectives, a multi-colored kaleidoscope of modern Greece and its place in the world as well as to contribute to the open dialogue on issues that are of major concern in Greece, in Europe and around the world. 

Learn more about Greece's Secretariat General for Information & Communication foreign language websites: Greece in the World: 6 foreign language websites

I.L. 

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Dimitri B. Papadimitriou is the Minister of Economy and Development of Greece. He was also President of the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College since its inception in 1986 and Executive Vice President and Jerome Levy Professor of Economics at Bard College since 1977. Minister Papadimitriou gave an interview to Pavlos Kapantais for French weekly news magazine L' Obs (27.01.2018, "Greece: Beyond numbers, people have been hit hard by the recession"), where he posits that 2017 was a turning point for Greece, as evidenced by the country's return to growth -after eight years of recession, recovering exports the declining unemployment. Furthermore, he is confident that Greece will regain its financial autonomy by August 2018, and that there will be a significant debt restructuring in the future, now that more and more voices in the EU are saying that the Greek debt issue needs to be solved*.

It has been three years since the radical left SYRIZA party came to power. For the last year and half, you have been a member of the Tsipras administration, which has implemented the difficult reforms imposed by the European bailout programs. The year 2017 is marked by a return to growth. Is this sustainable?

After eight years of recession, return to growth -with four consecutive quarters characterized by increased activity- clearly shows that the country has finally turned the page. This is also confirmed by the significant increase in exports and foreign direct investments. The latter also skyrocketed in 2017, rising by 69% during the first nine months of the year. For the most part, this happened thanks to the privatizations program.

The country's GDP has fallen from € 242 billion in 2008 to € 174 billion in 2016. Given this collapse, is it not too soon to celebrate over a growth rate that will not even reach 2% in 2017?

Let’s make it clear: We cannot celebrate just yet. Beyond the numbers, there are people who for eight years have been fully exposed to the recession and suffered enormously from this vertiginous GDP decline. The year 2017 is a very important year, but not everything has been resolved. Unemployment, although declining, remains at 20%. Undoubtedly, society continues to suffer. Regarding growth, it is definitely anemic, but it is a beginning: we know that in the first nine months of the year, exports grew by 8.2%, driven by agro-food products and aluminum. We also know that the country, thanks to its tourism industry, welcomes more visitors every year and that unemployment, even while remaining a huge problem, has declined by 7% since 2015. The year 2018 will be even better.

The current European bailout program ends by August 2018. In June 2017 you successfully issued a bond. Is the country ready to regain its financial autonomy?

Our return to the markets was a success. Our interest rate was the lowest since 2006. Greece no longer needs a new upgrade from rating agencies in order to fully finance itself in the markets. This will happen before the end of the current program in August 2018, I can guarantee you that.

So Greece will not need a fourth bailout program?

Exactly.

For exactly five years Greece has been achieving –as required by the lenders- a primary budget surplus, that is to say, a surplus prior to the payment of interests on debt. However, the debt is still there. Do not you fear it will sink the real economy?

Given Greece’s return to growth, there will be no problem in continuing to respect the surplus targets set by our lenders until 2022. From then on, I expect to see a significant debt restructuring. Whatever form it will finally take, I have to tell you that I am optimistic on this issue.

We have talking about the debt issue since November 2012 and yet nothing has happened...

The sentiment within the EU is changing. In France, Italy, the Netherlands or even in Germany, there are more and more voices saying that the Greek debt issue needs to be solved. This good will of European leaders, coupled with pressure from the IMF, should lead to a solution that will be beneficial to our country. And this will attract even more investors.

Upon leaving the Eurogroup presidency, the Dutch minister of Finance Jeroen Dijsselbloem made enthusiastic comments about Alexis Tsipras. Is this a true sign of trust or is it political maneuver to justify the decisions taken by Europe since 2010 - especially the loans given to Greece?

 It is a combination of all these factors. But above all, it is true that our government has done what it promised to. It has implemented reforms that no other Greek government dared to until today (mainly in regards to stricter legislation on strike rights – editor’s note). This was greatly appreciated by European leaders. It is logical, therefore, that the former Eurogroup President expresses his satisfaction with our Government. Wolfgang Schäuble did the same before leaving his post as a German Finance Minister.

These reforms by the Tsipras administration have had enormous political costs. For more than a year, the polls show SYRIZA lagging behind the right-wing New Democracy party. Does this worry you?

We should always be cautious when it comes to opinion polls. The elections will take place in September 2019. Until then, the country's economic situation will be much better and this will confirm to the people the difficult decisions we had to take.

You mentioned Wolfgang Schäuble’s departure; this is a person who is considered -to say the least- controversial in Greece. What was his role in the Greek crisis?

Since 2010, when I was a mere observer of the whole situation, I was very critical of the management of the Greek crisis in general, and of the role played by Wolfgang Schäuble in particular. He used means of pressure that largely destabilized the markets, which it turn, aggravated the crisis. You could say that it has him who invented the term "Grexit"! In addition, by repeating it, he increased the difficulties of the Greek governments, which were obliged to accept things (in terms of fiscal austerity – editor’s note) that were not necessary and should not have been accepted.

Read more via Greek News Agenda: 

• Economy Minister Dimitris Papadimitriou on US potential investments in Greece

• Positive prospects for the Greek economy attract US investment interest

*Translated by: Ioulia Livaditi

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Annamaria Simonazzi is Professor of Economics at Sapienza University of Rome, Italy, where she has been the director of the Master in Economics and local coordinator of the European Phd in Socio-Economic and Statistical Studies. She presides the Scientific Committee of research institute Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini, is co-director of the journal Economia & Lavoro and member of the editorial board of inGenere.it. Her research interests range from macroeconomics, to social policy, gender and labour economics. Her recent publications include: “Economic relations between Germany and Southern Europe", The Cambridge Journal of Economics, 2013 (co-authored) and “Italy: Continuity and Change in Welfare State Retrenchment” in The European Social Model in Crisis – Is Europe losing its Soul? (Edward Elgar 2015).  

Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo Llorente is Professor of Applied Economics at the University of Salamanca. is Professor of Applied Economics at the University of Salamanca in Spain. His main fields of study and research are Labour Economics, Economics of the Welfare State, European Integration and Development Economics. From in 1999 to date, has participated in over twenty research programs, written chapters in collective volumes and published several articles in scientific journals in both Spanish and English. Some of his books that have been translated in English are: “Measuring more than Money: The Social Economics of Job Quality”, (co-authored, Edward Elgar 2011) and "Operating Hours and Working Times: A Survey of Capacity Utilization and Employment in European Union" (co-authored, 2007).

The two professors recently attended the European Conference on “Inequalities, Neoliberalism and European Integration: progressive responses”, organized by the Nicos Poulantzas Institute and transform! europe, that took place in Athens 23-25 November, as speakers in the panel “Inequalities, welfare state and middle classes in Southern Europe”. Simonazzi and de Bustillo spoke to Greek News Agenda* about how the crisis has affected the middle classes in Spain and Italy, if welfare states in Southern Europe share common traits, how the shrinking of the welfare state is connected to the rise of nationalism and what can be done to defend the european social model:

How has the crisis and subsequent austerity measures affected the middle classes in Spain and Italy? 

Annamaria Simonazzi: In Italy, economic stagnation had started much before the crisis; the labour market was severely segmented, with a very high rate of young people with atypical contracts, in precarious jobs or unemployed.  Thus, before the crisis, middle classes' anxieties were mainly related to their children’s bleak future. The crisis has spread unemployment problems to all age groups, and the middle classes were not spared. The possibility of bleak future for the children is now complemented with an equally bleak present for the grown-ups of the family. Unemployment and the associated decline in labour income is the main reason behind the inequality surges occurring in Italy during recent years, affecting especially the lower middle classes.  

Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo: The impact of the crisis on the middle class in Spain (defined as the population with an income equivalent 80 % to 200 % of the median income) has been double: on one hand there has been a reduction of the size of the middle class, as many have slid down the income ladder to be absorbed by the lower income classes. In relative terms we estimate this reduction at 5%.  On the other hand, as a class, after the crisis, the middle class is poorer, as there has been a 4.5 % reduction of the income they command (out of a total income that is already lower as result of the decrease of GDP, 5.8 % lower from 2008 to 2011).

The middle class has also been affected by the huge increase in unemployment related first to the crisis, and then to the austerity measures taken after May 2010 -when the countercyclical Keynesian policy applied until then by the social democratic government (PSOE) was changed to a policy of fiscal consolidation to address the debt crisis- resulting in unemployment reaching 26 % in 2013.

Furthermore, austerity measures had a negative effect on many public services such as health, education or pensions, services that are closely related to middle class aspirations such as a certain standard of health care, university education for the children etc.

Do classical typologies of welfare state regimes (e.g. Esping-Andersen's classification of welfare states as liberal, conservative and social democratic) also explain differences in income inequality among EU countries? Some authors have argued there exists a fourth type of welfare state: the Southern European, shared by Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece. Would you like to comment on this? 

Annamaria Simonazzi: The Mediterranean welfare state has been mostly based on the family in order to complement a very unequal provision of services. There had been timid attempts in various countries (and in Italy) to increase the role of the state and extend the coverage of the social services newtork beyond pensions (e.g., long-term care, childcare, poverty assistance), but these have been mostly cancelled by the fiscal crisis.

Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo: Generally there is an inverse relation between the size of the welfare state (social expenditure as a percentage of Gross Domestic Outpout) and income inequality. Spain for example is one of the EU countries with higher income inequality as measured by the Gini Index, as result of the increase in inequality during the crisis.  But interestingly, the higher level of inequality is not the result of higher inequality at the market level, i.e. in terms of market income, but results from the small redistribution power of the meager welfare state existing in the country.

As for the existence of a fourth welfare state model, although I think that Mediterranean countries share some elements, like the lower level of social expenditure as a percentage of GDP, I don´t think they conform a “model”. For example, clientelism, supposed to be one of the elements of such model is completely absent in Spain, while in some areas, such as health (or pensions) the Spanish welfare system is perfectly comparable with the systems in place in the Scandinavian countries: universal, fairly efficient, etc. The only difference, again, is the lower percentage of GDP allocated to the services.

Middle classes are defined not only by their income, but also by their aspirations. What is the effect of the generalized sentiment of vulnerability and insecurity among the middle classes today? How is it connected to the rise of populism and nationalism? 

Annamaria Simonazzi: The generalized sentiment of vulnerability due to the state of the economy, has certainly contributed to a shift towards populism and a growing sentiment against immigration, though the female migrant carers represent the backbone of the elderly care system, and male immigrants sustain a large part of agriculture and construction. In Italy the anger is directed more towards the political class, expressed in the form of supporting "populist" parties or not voting at all.

Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo: The crisis has gravely affected incomes, but more than that it has affected expectations about the stability of the future, anything could happen, nothing can be taken for granted anymore (not even the unity of the country, as is evidenced by that Catalonian crisis). There is a growing concern regarding the possibility of middle class children to reach middle class status, and regarding the capacity of the State to honor its compromises in terms of pensions, healthcare, etc.

It seems that the so-called “European social model” is under threat everywhere in Europe. Can progressive policies be sustained under the current circumstances? Under what terms?

Annamaria Simonazzi: As far as I know, the Nordic welfare model is still resisting (although with some scars): it is based on a high rate of employment (both male and female) which is indispensable to pay for the public services through taxation, and industrial relations are aimed at easing the transition towards new technologies -what once was called the "high road" to growth with equality. Of course, countries with a lower level of development and sharing a common currency with stronger partners face much greater difficulties in pursuing a road of high employment. The process of fiscal consolidation and high levels of debt severely constrain their options. 

Rafael Muñoz de Bustillo: Certainly. They can be sustained as long as the correlation of political forces allows it. It is not a problem of economic sustainability of the model but a problem of having the political strength needed to allocate enough economic resources to make it sustainable in the future.  This can be done within an economic area such as the EU, but, again, only if there is a coalition of countries large enough to readdress the type of policies adopted in the past.

* Interview by Ioulia Livaditi

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